Archive for July, 2007

Come Home with Me, Judge Winograd

A few months back, as I prepared to come to Israel with my family for 3 months, the interim Winograd Commission report came out. As you may recall, the report identified a range of apparent failures during the conduct of the war with Lebanon in the summer of 2006.

The final report is due out in a couple of months, but even the interim report managed to generate a lot of attention and discussion inside Israel. Even without a final report, people demanded the Prime Minister step down; indeed, over 100,000 demonstrated in Tel Aviv calling for his ouster. His approval ratings plummeted into the single digits. Although Olmert has managed to remain in office, the reactions to Winograd were the final blow suffered by former Defense Minister Amir Peretz that led to his defeat to Ehud Barak (and Ami Ayalon, who also beat him out in the first round) in the recent Labor Party primaries.

All of this attention resulted from the report’s initial findings that there were numerous mistakes made in the decision to go to war at all, in the carrying out of the war, and in the overall preparation and state of the Israel Defense Forces.

Now, to top it off, the Winograd Commission has indicated it will investigate whether or not war crimes were committed by Israel during the war. That is, those on the Commission have actually looked at the reports of Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and others about the use of cluster munitions against civilians and have decided they need to investigate. An internal investigation that admits its possible war crimes were committed (with American-made weaponry, of course).

Who know what they will find? Frankly, it’s near to impossible to imagine the Commission finding that war crimes occurred. The impact and implications would be innumerable. Especially in light of the potential investigation (depending on how the State of Israel responds to the High Court’s recent ruling asking for their opinion on a commission) into the July 2002 targeted killing of Salah Shehadeh in Gaza with a one-ton bomb that left 14 innocent civilians dead.

As Ha’aretz reported, the move to investigate came from both the parents of soldiers and human rights groups:

Gal-On wrote to the Winograd panel several weeks ago to urge such an inquiry. She said she made the request after soldiers’ parents - who had earlier approached Winograd independently - asked her to push for an investigation into whether there was ethical misconduct during the war.

Gal-On said that grave allegations made by human rights organizations, who accused the IDF of committing war crimes and harming Lebanese civilians, strengthened her conviction that these claims must be probed.

But what Winograd ultimately finds on the war crime question doesn’t really matter to me. What matters is that they are looking at it all and actually facing the question of “could we have committed war crimes?” Admitting that such things are even theoretically possible.

Now, I will leave it to others to comment on the implications for the kind of investigations and introspection currently underway (or not) in the United States vis-à-vis Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere.

What I am concerned about is the absolute silence from those incredibly loud and vocal supporters of Israel’s decision to go to war and to forego cease fire talks in the first weeks.

The whole point of Winograd is to insure, if such insurance is possible, that the mistakes made last summer don’t happen again. But the mistakes they are concerned about are primarily tactical and logistical, as well they should be. As recently reported, the IDF is facing problems of morale and reputation and retention and professionalism of a kind never before seen in its history.

And this is indeed a huge problem. For those who love and believe in the State of Israel, the army is a necessity. Repairing its ability not only to perform in battle, but also to have the people believe it can and will perform to the levels previously expected, is a must. Of course, we may also work to insure that it does so with even higher standards for its rules of engagement and overall conduct, but it is clear that the IDF must be healed. Thus I believe Winograd, regardless of its findings on war crimes, will be an important piece of the puzzle of progress here.

What I fear is the lack of progress in the U.S., whether in the government or in the mainstream Jewish community. And for that, Judge Winograd, you have to come home with me. Because we need your help.

Last year, as you will recall, the rush to support Israel’s decisions, and to fend off all criticism and questioning as near blasphemy, by the Administration, in Congress, and most of all within the mainstream of the American Jewish community could not have been quicker.

In a piece I have quoted before, the Forward quoted leaders of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations and Jewish Committee for Public Affairs at the end of July as saying there was “absolute unanimity” and “zero dissent” in the Jewish community that Israel was doing the right thing and should not pursue a cease fire until it was ready. We told our students that Israel was justified in all it was doing, and that they needed to get out there on campus and convince everyone they could that this was the case.

In Congress, “pro-Israel” leaders like Rep. Brad Sherman of California (a Democrat and former member of the House Human Rights Subcommittee, no less) not only backed Israel (and voted almost unanimously), they called for Israel to do more. Inflict – and suffer — more violence and death. As Rep. Sherman wrote in the Jewish Journal in late July of 2006:

Congress rightly has condemned Hezbollah for “engaging in unprovoked and reprehensible armed attacks against Israel on undisputed Israeli territory.” The House passed a resolution by a vote of 410 to 8 supporting “Israel’s right to defend itself, including the right to conduct operations in Israel and in the territory of nations which pose a threat to it.”

There are some who say the Israeli reaction has been “disproportionate.” It cannot be overstated that the recent outbreak of warfare was not simply a reaction to one event. The truth is that there have been five kidnapping raids and hundreds of missiles fired during six years of attacks. If anyone is going to say that Israel’s reaction is disproportionate, let them say that Israel is doing too little.

That’s right. Using cluster munitions and leveling so much of Beirut and southern Lebanon, while Hizballah continued to target innocent Israelis and inflict casualties on its forces, was “doing too little.”

After the war, when Human Rights Watch released its report on use of cluster munitions, the rush to condemnation in the mainstream was again quick. As he often is, first out of the gate to cry “anti Israel!” was Abe Foxman of the Anti-Defamation League.

Once again, Human Rights Watch has reached a skewed conclusion in its review of Israel’s actions in an armed conflict with its neighbors. In an irrational rush to judgment, Human Rights Watch accuses Israel of indiscriminately attacking Lebanese civilians.

The report looks at Israel’s military activity in a vacuum, ignoring the threats to Israel’s security and existence, ignoring the intentions and growing capabilities of its enemies, and ignoring the cynical actions of those who seek to hurt Israel and its citizens on the ground, or to make Israel look bad in the eyes of the world.

Israel, like any country, has a right to defend itself, and does so with every effort to prevent civilian casualties that, while tragic, are unavoidable during war. It is especially difficult to minimize the harm to civilians against an enemy who purposely operates from within the midst of a civilian population in callous disregard of the consequences to those civilians.

What say you now, Mr. Foxman? Will you condemn the Winograd commission for giving validity to these reports? For listening to the Israeli parents of Israeli soldiers, who wonder whether ethical lines were crossed? Will you present “absolute unanimity” in supporting Winograd’s efforts to understand what went wrong in this war you so loudly applauded? Or, instead, should there be “zero dissent” from the notion that Israel could ever do such things?

What about you, Mr. Sherman? Will you write another article in the Jewish Journal, or give a statement on the floor of the House, and ask yourself whether you were wrong? Will you question your urge and those of your colleagues to rush to the podia of Congress and rallies around town to say you “stand with” Israel, whatever you think that may mean? What does it mean? And how does blind support for a war, and refusal to consider its end, meet your definition?

Most importantly, will you consider apologizing to the parents of those Israeli soldiers who now have to ask whether their children engaged in war crimes? Will you apologize to the families of those Israeli soldiers who were killed or injured as a result of your insistence that Israel fight on? To the families of the innocent civilians killed in Israel and Lebanon? To the people of Lebanon as a whole?

Or do you still think Israel did “too little” last summer?

In the end, as far as I can tell, there has been silence from the mainstream Jewish community about Winograd’s meaning for our own relationship to and support of Israel. This report from the American Jewish Committee summed up well the many aspects of the interim report but left out any discussion of AJC’s own vocal support of Israel’s conduct.

Don’t get me wrong. The American Jewish community and American government needed to be there last summer to help the people of Israel through its crisis. One of the main things, however, that we needed to do was to look at the reality, from the luxury of distance and safety that we enjoy. To see the real problems with the war, to focus on the impact on the Lebanese population as well, and to push for a swift and meaningful resolution for all sides.

Instead, we sat on the sidelines and cheered. And held rallies and raised money. And now that those rallies have been shown – by an official Israeli commission – to have been in support of a questionable war, a war that did not achieve its stated ends, where is our introspection? Where is our search for a way to respond to such crises in the future? Where is our insurance that we truly support the people of Israel, to help them find as true a peace as possible, rather than simply backing any and all of its decisions, wise or not?

My 5th summer here has, as they always do, taught me a lot about Israel. Like with any place, I have seen and experienced plenty of good and bad. And when you’re an outsider, it’s often all too easy to focus on the bad parts (as it helps you avoid your own failings). But among the best parts of Israel is its willingness to consider (to a degree, anyway) its flaws. As I was reminded in a comment to a previous post on dailykos, some people choose to live here, rather than be outside preachers like those of us who float in and out for a few months at a time.

And those who live here are aware they are not perfect. Along with that is the notion that they need help from friends and family.

The question is what that help should be. Sadly, I don’t think we Americans, particularly mainstream American Jews, are capable of understanding that right now. We understand only “absolute unanimity” and “zero dissent.”

That is not help. That is not support. That is, in the end, a recipe for more pain and suffering. And, as the polls show, it’s a perfect way to create more distance between American Jews and the mainstream Jewish community.

And so, Judge Winograd, when your work is done here, please come to my home. To America. To Washington. And help us look at ourselves.

Otherwise, I fear you may correct your country’s mistakes but we will not correct ours.

Adishut Chinam, or Baseless Complacency

Much has been made in the past several years about the many linkages and comparisons of the United States — indeed the 21st century West in general — and the Roman Empire. In general, these comparisons focus on the lessons of what brought down the Roman Empire, and how we may be repeating or reinventing them.

And indeed, such comparisons can surely be made. But as the Jewish people prepare to commemorate the solemn day of Tisha B’Av (9th day of the Hebrew month of Av), marking the destruction of the First and Second Temples and a host of other calamities, I thought one of the primary lessons from this day, albeit somewhat revised, may actually provide a better guide for understanding the elites and even the middle classes of our world (and I include myself in this category). And I am thinking primarily about those in the United States and Israel, the two places I have experience living in recent times.

That is, we learn on Tisha B’Av that the Second Temple was destroyed because of “sinat chinam,” or “baseless hatred” among the Jewish people. Today, although you will find plenty of baseless hatred among Americans and Israelis, I see the bigger issue facing both societies — the one that I see as much more likely to result in future tragedy — as that of a concept I will call “adishut chinam,” or “baseless complacency.”

First, a quick bit of background. As I mentioned, Tisha B’Av is a day commemorating a series of tragic events in the history of the Jewish people. The first such event derives from the Book of Numbers in the Old Testament and is one of the roots of, not only of the length of the Exodus, but of all of the tragedies that have followed on Tisha B’Av. As summarized in Wikipedia:

On this day, the Twelve spies sent by Moses to observe the land of Canaan returned from their mission. Two of the spies (Joshua and Caleb) brought a positive report, but 10 of the spies brought an “evil report” about the land that caused the Children of Israel to cry, panic and despair of ever entering the “Promised land”. For this, they were punished by God that they would not enter, and that for all generations the day would become one of crying and misfortune for the descendants of the Children of Israel, the Jewish people.

Eventually, though, the Jewish people entered the Land of Canaan and began the process of creating the Land of Israel. King Solomon built the First Temple, which was destroyed in 586 BCE by King Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians. The Jewish people subsequently returned to the Land of Israel, and building of the Second Temple began in 516 (then massively expanded by Herod). The Second Temple was destroyed in 70 CE.

And what we learn from rabbinic teaching is that the destruction of the Temples did not solely derive from military defeats at the hands of enemies; rather, they were manifestations of failings within the Jewish community itself: sins and sinat chinam. As this lovely lesson puts it (n.b.: “mikdash” is the Hebrew word for “Temple”), these are not separate concepts, but two sides of the same root problem:

The gemara tells us that the first Mikdash was destroyed because the people were involved in three major sins - idolatry, murder, and immorality. The second Mikdash was destroyed because of ’sinat chinam’ - pointless hate. The gemara concludes that we must therefore understand that sinat chinam is equal in its severity to those three cardinal sins.

Similarly, sinat chinam that was predominant at the time of the second Mikdash, reflects the same basic fault in society. Sinat chinam is a direct consequence of selfishness, a direct result of man being totally involved in himself, his interests, his needs, his life.

I would like to suggest that the gemara in Yoma is not simply doing a symmetrical equation between the three cardinal sins and sinat chinam; it is informing us that even though externally the causes of destruction of the first and second Batai Mikdash appear to be different, they are in fact one and the same. The flaw that eventually leads to the three cardinal sins is the exact same flaw that leads to sinat chinam. When man is in the center, when man can see no further than himself, then man is in fact god - when this is the reality of society, there can be no Mikdash, because implicit in the definition of Mikdash is that Hashem is G-d, that Hashem is the center of everything, that we all look to Hashem, and that is what guides our lives.

For those unfamiliar with the day of Tisha B’Av, it may sound like another version of Yom Kippur, as observant Jews fast for 25 hours and consider the concept of sin throughout the day. But this post from Jewlicious contrasts the two quite nicely, as well as answers the key question of how we solve the problem of sinat chinam:

However, whereas Yom Kippur focuses on individual sin, Tisha B’Av focuses more on collective sin
….

Sinat chinam is an interesting concept. It encompasses things like envy, greed and self-glorification. It encompasses treating others with contempt. It implies a lack of reason in a religion that almost always demands and insists upon reason. …

According to Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, Israel’s first chief Rabbi, the second Temple, destroyed by sinat chinam, senseless hatred, will only be rebuilt by ahavat chinam, love without reason.

So taking off on all of these ideas, what I would like to propose is that, although sinat chinam may be rampant in our societies, what we suffer more from is adishut chinam, or baseless complacency. That is, we have no reason to be complacent about our existences, about our societies, or about the conflicts that they are engaged in. But for the large majority of the mainstream of both Israeli and American societies, we are turned inwards, concerned essentially with our own existences and security, unwilling to engage in the larger issues that face us and even moreso that face our neighbors. Thanks to technology and legal systems and economic systems and governments that enable us, invite us, all but command us to stay within our individual orbits, we feel no need to engage with or understand those around us.

In the United States, this is not hard to discern. Consider how often people really engage with the near-existential issues that our society faces. How often do people move beyond listening to or reading a news story (if they even get that far) about Iraq to attempt to engage with any of the possible solutions? How often do people move beyond the loud fracases on either side of the immigration debate to understand the real, individual lives that are at stake? Or the “what do we do about terrorism” debates? How many times do people move beyond basic assumptions about poverty to comprehend the existence of those who remain poor in our affluent country? How often do we remove ourselves from the center of our lives?

And, lest I be considered too preachy, let me be the first to put myself in the “just about never” categories of the above questions. Family, work, kids, friends, hobbies, house maintenance, etc. It’s all too much sometimes. The problems of the world are out there somewhere, away from me and my family. And, for better or for worse, given the options, I essentially prefer it that way.

Like me, I believe most Americans do not avoid the problems of our day out of hatred or spite. We do so out of fatigue, out of scheduling concerns, and, ultimately, out of complacency. We believe that these problems need to be solved somehow, by someone. But that we just don’t have the time to engage in solving them, and in the end, because the problems are just “out there,” they won’t come to our door any time soon. So we can let someone else worry about it because, well, my house needs to be cleaned, I have some work to, my kids need to go to the park, and we haven’t had a babysitter in over a month. It may not be true that I can let someone else deal with the bigger problems we face, that may be baseless, but unless something forces me to, will I do so myself?

Then my family came to Israel for 3 months, and my complacency became so apparent when reflected in what I have experienced here. What has been remarkable to me about this summer in Israel is the complacency that “security” has brought. Like in the U.S., there is so much to be non-complacent about here, even leaving aside the Palestinian conflict.

Consider this. At present, on the grounds of the Knesset and Supreme Court in the past week, you can find a tent protest (and signs around town) from some the settlers disengaged from Gaza in 2005, a similar protest by Bedouin complaining of home demolitions and a variety of conditions, and some of the refugees from Darfur who have been alternately jailed, released with unclear conditions, or sent back to Egypt.

(If you have not been following this last story of the Darfur refugees in Israel, you should be – the notion of Israel imprisoning or turning away refugees from a genocide is something hard to fathom.)

Those are just the problems that have risen to such degrees that people have organized around them to this level. The list of societal issues certainly goes on and on.

Then consider the Palestinians. In 1997 and 1998, when last I spent significant time here, the conflict was on people’s minds in Jerusalem and throughout Israel all of the time. Obviously, the primary concern of Israelis even then was terror, and an overarching sense of fear and dread about the next suicide bombing. But the immediacy of that violence also led to, I would argue, a greater awareness and understanding of what was happening in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Perhaps it was only because people wanted to know why the security measures weren’t working, but ultimately they wanted to know what was happening over there because it impacted what was happening over here so directly and tragically.

Now, fewer Israelis are engaged because they simply don’t feel like they need to know or care anymore. At least, as with Americans and Iraq and Afghanistan, not more than keeping up with the news. The long-term impact of the occupation – settlement construction, road construction, the Separation Wall, military activity, near-total separation of Israelis from Palestinians and of many Palestinians from other Palestinians — and the many failures of the Palestinian leadership and factions have come close to dividing the Palestinian people from themselves. As a result, with their division, with their decreased impact on Israeli society, Israelis enjoy the simple luxury of being able to not think about them very much.

The construction of the Separation Wall is a perfect example. When you live in Jerusalem, it is all around you. You catch glimpses from so many spots in the center of town. But relatively few have gone to Abu Dis or any of the other neighborhoods to see it up close. So few have worried about the long-term impact of this kind of separation, have engaged to try to minimize the impact on daily life. The notion of solidarity with those impacted by the Wall or occupation as a necessity because of the understanding that they will someday impact Israeli life one way or the other is, for the most part, gone.

And it makes sense. The problems are somewhere else, the economy is humming, and, for now, for once in such a long time, they don’t need to think about the conflict all that much. I can understand that kind of reaction; after all, I have benefited from and experienced it all summer with my family.

But ultimately this is simple complacency. Because, in the end, we know the problems still exist and that the current “solutions” are merely temporary. Yet because we don’t need to deal with them now, we can hope someone else will, and pray that they will just go away altogether. And all the while, we can turn inwards and try to forget the rest.

And in those hopes may well lie the seeds of our future crises.

To help me tie this back to sinat chinam, here is a fascinating passage from a 2001 Jerusalem Post article on sinat chinam:

What they [the Jews on the Exodus who believed the spies] doubted was their own worthiness. They realized that even after entering the Land they would be dependent on G-d’s beneficence. Feeling unworthy of His love, they concluded that G-d sought to kill them at the hands of the Caananite nations.

All sinat chinam derives from similar feelings of unworthiness. Those who lack any confidence in themselves live their lives in constant comparison to others. They cast a critical eye on others so that they might feel better about themselves. The impulse to speak derogatorily of others reflects low self-esteem, which finds salve only in putting others down.

Rabbi Yisrael Salanter, founder of the Mussar Movement, once witnessed a boy pushing a playmate down in order to make himself taller. Reb Yisrael predicted that nothing would ever come of that boy. Had he tried instead to make himself taller instead by jumping up, said Reb Yisrael, there would have been hope.

Today we are all little boys pushing down our playmates.
….

Sensing our own failures, we console ourselves that everybody else is doing worse. Our entire society is made up of people lacking a sense of positive achievement, who can sustain themselves only by cataloguing the failures of others.

The Torah cure for sinat chinam is to stop judging ourselves in comparison to others. For viewing others we need a benevolent eye that accentuates the positive. The critical, judgmental eye is best reserved for ourselves.

So, too, do we remain little boys today. Perhaps we may not all be little boys pushing down our playmates. What I see is that Americans and Israelis are societies of people who do not notice that our playmates have been pushed down. We do not pick them up off the ground and help rub out their clothes, maybe see if we can find an adult to help mediate.

We do not understand that our complacency, our contentment to turn away and play with our own things, enables the pushers to continue their pushing. Eventually, though, those who seek to push others down will get around to all of us who remain complacent. One way or the other, unless we work together, unless we decide that it’s time to engage, to act, to fix, then they will eventually push everyone down. And we will have another tragedy to add to the list on Tisha B’Av.

As we saw, the cure for baseless hatred is baseless love. So I believe the cure for baseless complacency must be baseless engagement. Not just engaging when it’s in your interest to do so, or when it involves an issue you happen to be connected to. But engaging on whatever possible, whenever possible. Even in very small ways. Anything to let those who would seek to push our societies down know that people do care, that we understand what they’re doing.

We must let them know that, although we will not simply fight them back with their methods and just try to push them down before they get to us, we will move beyond our complacency and work with those who have been pushed.

If we don’t, if we remain complacent, then we will have no one to blame but ourselves.

The Missing

Probably the best way to start this is with a short bit of accidental wisdom from my older son. I should also probably stop there, too, but since it works so well with my thoughts on my recent trip to Hebron, that I thought I would add the two together. It has been quite hard for me to think about what to say about the essential elimination of life in the Old City of Hebron, or how to say it. Luckily I can always count on the brilliance of a 2.5 year old to help me out of a jam.

We have been trying to teach Eli a bit of Hebrew, or at least get him comfortable with it (he can actually count all the way to arba-im (40) quickly and without a mistake). One of the books we have been reading with him over time is a Hebrew translation of Shel Silverstein’s classic “The Missing Piece.” We always read the Hebrew first, then explain what it means in English, trying to instill at least a few words. But he knows the title primarily in English (it’s a mouthful in Hebrew).

Then, the other day, his class at the YMCA had their end of the year party. So we decided this would be a good occasion to break out a t-shirt of his that we picked up at home awhile back; it’s a red children’s shirt that simply has “Peace,” “Shalom” (in Hebrew) and “Salaam” (in Arabic) on it.

When I put the shirt on him, he looked down and saw the writing.

“What does the shirt say, Papa?”

“‘Peace’, Eli. It says ‘peace’ in English, Hebrew and Arabic.”

“Oh.” Pause. “Like ‘The Missing Piece’?”

I laugh. I then shake my head at how ingenious this is. Then I realize he is still waiting for an answer. “Well, not like the piece missing from the circle in the book. This peace means when people don’t fight with each other. But it’s kind of like the piece in the book, because this kind of peace is also missing.”

“Oh. That peace on my shirt is also missing?”

“Sadly, it is.”

By this time, he was more interested in the Lego blocks he had built into a small column and called his “saxophone,” which he then started to play, so that was that. But it was one of those moments with your kids that you never forget.

And, as I said, it helped me focus on a lot that has been on my mind. Of course, in any place in the world, it’s still a cute story and probably one that any parent would be proud to retell. But here, it comes with so much more.

Because, at any point in time, it’s important not just to know that peace is missing, but why it’s missing. And that changes over time, and is always somewhat different depending on whether you are talking about political/governmental peace or person-to-person/societal peace. Although the former type is what we spend far too much time talking about, it is the latter that really counts, in my mind.

And that peace, the peace between people, is missing because when you are in Israel, the Palestinians are missing. Almost entirely.

And when you’re in Palestine (Eastern Palestine, anyway), although Israel is everywhere – in the form of Jewish-only settlements, Jewish-only roads, the Army, the Air Force and the Wall — and although Israeli soldiers and settlers are all around, the Israeli people with whom the Palestinians must make peace are also missing.

I have remarked on this in other posts from here, but nowhere was this more evident than in Hebron. The Old City of Hebron, the area of the once vibrant souq/casbah, is, quite simply, gone. Military orders, settler violence, settler expansionism, soldiers changing policies from day to day, decimation of the Palestinian economy. Put them all together and you have what I saw in Hebron – shops welded shut, houses empty, streets barren, markets looted, bushes and vines growing in the middle of once-busy streets. (The activists I went with even had pictures from 1999 to prove it, but my memories from being in these bustling areas in 1997 and 1998 were pretty vivid).

(If you want more info, there’s a lot out there. But Meretz USA has a good archive of recent articles and some background pieces at its “Hebron Watch” page. But if you want the full story in one place, look no further than this, as-usual incredible report from B’tselem from this past May.)

I wandered around much of the day taking pictures of essentially the same thing: missing-ness and emptiness. Empty streets. Empty sidewalks. Empty shops (except for those which have been confiscated by settlers to use as new apartments). As B’tselem called it so aptly, it is a ghost town.

Or, at least, a town of Palestinian ghosts, as they exist only in memory. The number of settlers in the city itself is still small (approximately 600 or so, but it gets much larger if you include the ever-expanding Kiryat Arba and other area settlements), but not only are their numbers and their efforts to confiscate Palestinian property increasing, they are ever-present through graffiti that defiles probably 50% of the now-closed shops.

Graffiti like:

“There are Arabs, there are rats.” (Makes more sense as graffiti in the Hebrew, as it’s a bit of a play on words: “Yesh Aravim, yesh achbarim”)

“Arabs to the gas chambers.”

“Arabs are sand n—ers.” (the one I saw of this is signed by the JDL, or Jewish Defense League)

And perhaps most startling to me was that within a 2-minute walk of graffiti saying “Arabs out” was a sign showing the names of the Jewish congregations in the U.S. that had helped support the Hebron settlements with an ambulance. And who knows what else.

Settlers and right-wing American Jews present. Violently and terribly present. Nearly all Palestinians missing.

Such violence and hatred in a city so holy, within view of the reputed tomb of our ancestors Abraham and Sarah, who kept their tent open on all sides to welcome visitors. What would Abraham and Sarah think of a city that had been closed off to its former Palestinian residents, but done in their names?

I still have chills from hearing the muezzin’s call to prayer from the Machpelah/Tomb of the Patriarchs and Matriarchs, which is now divided into a Jewish holy site and a mosque. What does it mean to hear the call to prayer when there is almost no one who can get there? After all, on one of the main streets that a Muslim could theoretically walk to in order to get to the mosque, I was stopped by a border policeman. And he asked me but one simple question.

“Are you Jewish?”

I hesitated. First because I hadn’t quite understood, or expected, the question. Then I realized what he was asking. And I hesitated again because those few hours had again shaken my beliefs, my understanding of Judaism.

Indeed, I had to answer “yes, I am a Jew” in order to even walk on this road.

Now, in the pre-Civil rights era U.S., unless you were participating in an action, the issue of which restaurant or hotel or drinking fountain you used was pre-determined, in some way, by circumstances and factors beyond your immediate control. Whether you were white or “colored” did not really need to be asked.

But, because I was not wearing a kippah or dressed in black and white, the answer was in my hands. And in some way, I reazlied that an answer of “yes, I am a Jew” was an answer of:

“Yes, I believe in segregation and transfer.”

“Yes, I believe I have the right to walk on this street, and the Palestinians who used to live here do not, nor should any other non-Jews.”

“Yes, I equate Judaism with the gun in your hands, with the settlers whom you protect, and with their ideology which you help implement.”

And, mostly because I am not quick enough on my feet (literally or figuratively) and my car was at the other end of this street, I, in fact, answered “yes.” And I am still thinking about everything it meant. And everything I would like it to mean.

But more than anything, I am thinking about the Palestinians I did not see. Those who are missing. In fact, they were also missing from much of the drive to Hebron. I even read in Ha’aretz that the Jewish National Fund, Ministry of Tourism, and Mount Hebron Regional Council are publishing tourist guides that describe the beauty of the region and its attractiveness as a hiking and travel getaway, in no small part because you can now go as a Jew without really having to encounter a Palestinian. The article is worth reading for some of the quotes, but I’ll excerpt this from the article:

In these publications, there is no separation wall, no bypass roads. There are no roadblocks set up next to almost every Palestinian village, limiting the residents’ freedom of movement to the point of feeling suffocated. There are no ridges that have been harmed to make way for settlements that look like fortified and alienated suburbs. There are no cave dwellers who have been banished from their homes on Mount Hebron, and no pupils who cannot go to school because their settler neighbors constantly harass them. No Palestinian communities appear on the map published in the booklet about the Hebron region.

The daily Palestinian nightmare gives way and disappears for the benefit of publications that realize the dreams of the Israeli hiker. Now, in addition to the transportation and security infrastructure that allows the Israeli tourist to avoid encountering nearly any Palestinians and only see their communities from afar, there is a marketing and publishing infrastructure. Awaiting the hiker, for the most part, is good food, amazing scenery and spectacular sunrises. The only thing that remains for Israeli hikers is simply to come, to forget all their troubles - and particularly those of the Palestinians.

More and more, Palestinians have simply been removed from the narrative in Israel, from the reality. They are somewhere else, on the other side of a wall, missing. And so too are the Israelis missing from the lives of Palestinians, whose reality grows more and more to be of one where Jews simply exist as Israeli soldiers, as settlers, as the American Jews who send money to support both groups (Friends of the IDF being the military support side).

As political developments evolve in Ramallah and Jerusalem and Gaza, as these discussions between leaders of peoples who do not exist for one another except in the media and in images of the past, I will wonder back to Hebron, wonder back to everything that is missing from this holy place. Palestinians are missing, Judaism is missing, Israelis are missing.

God is missing.

And ultimately, that is why the peace on my son’s t-shirt is missing. But perhaps, one day, like the circle in the Silverstein story, we’ll all find the right piece of peace.

To do that, of course, we have to find each other first.


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