Archive for June, 2007

Chicklets, Psalms, and St. Anne’s Church

A few days ago, I found what I think is my new favorite place in all of Jerusalem. The Church of St. Anne in the Old City, next to the Pools of Bethesda (close to Lion’s (or St. Stephen’s) Gate). I had heard great things over the years but never managed to make it. Within 30 minutes, I was a convert (pun only slightly intended). Why would this be my new favorite place?

Because it is, and it inspires, what I have always believed to be the essence of Jerusalem: holiness, awe, uniqueness. A place where the most mundane experience becomes extraordinary solely because it happened to you in Jerusalem.

If you’ve been to St. Anne, you may have an idea of what I mean. Built in the 12th century, it’s a church renowned for its near-perfect acoustics. As such, people and groups from around the world come there not just to visit and look around and marvel at something so old, but to sing. Like they never have before. Because it’s Jerusalem.

It’s extraordinary, really: one group walks in, sits in the front pews. Then, with hardly a word, they start singing. Ave Maria. Amazing Grace. Or whatever hymn or song moves their group the most. They sing and sing, then stop, get up, walk down to see the tomb (or at least what some believe to be the tomb) of Anne (Mary’s mother) and location of Mary’s birth. In the meantime, another group takes their place in the pews and sings their own hearts and souls out. Maybe someone has a guitar, but no one needs a microphone, and mostly there are just human voices, inspired from the depths of their beliefs, whatever those may be.

I watched four groups in a row do this the other day, while my baby boy looked up at me in amazement and joy. (The down side is all of the singing makes for quite a distraction from his bottle). And while he was looking at me so intently, I wondered why.

Why would people from around the world (two of the groups I saw were American, one was Italian, and the other from somewhere in Eastern Europe; a Japanese group was on its way in when I left) come here to sing like this?

Why? Because the church is renowned for acoustics? Maybe. But there are plenty of places in the world with good acoustics; I think more so because it’s Jerusalem. It’s a city that inspires – at least the idea of the city inspires – people to believe a little bit more than they do anywhere else. Maybe because they think God, whichever version of God, can hear them a little more clearly here. Maybe because they feel inspired by the examples set by those who have come before, feel that they’ll start to hear and heed the words of Jesus a bit more when they walk on some of the same stones that he did.

Maybe because there is a little Jerusalem syndrome in all of us – a moment where all of us feel that we can be just a bit more than we are anywhere else. That we can leave real or normal life for a moment and be, well, holy. That we can indeed save this world that needs saving so badly.

Maybe because Psalm 122 still rings true for all of us.

A Song of Ascents; of David. I rejoiced when they said unto me: ‘Let us go unto the house of HaShem.’
Our feet are standing within thy gates, O Jerusalem;
Jerusalem, that art builded as a city that is compact together;
Whither the tribes went up, even the tribes of HaShem, as a testimony unto Israel, to give thanks unto the name of HaShem.
For there were set thrones for judgment, the thrones of the house of David.
Pray for the peace of Jerusalem; may they prosper that love thee.
Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces.
For my brethren and companions’ sakes, I will now say: ‘Peace be within thee.’
For the sake of the house of HaShem our G-d I will seek thy good.

I think we all pray – and sing — for the peace of Jerusalem, for peace within its walls because we believe that if there is peace here, then peace should reign everywhere. Conversely, the further from peace is Jerusalem, the further we are all from peace, from holiness, from ourselves. So we come here from all over to be a part of the city for a moment, to sing as loud as we can, in the hope that someone will hear.

It is all of this that is on my mind when I pull up to a traffic light in East Jerusalem, whether down the hill from the Regency near Hebrew U. or close to the A-Ram check point, and face 2-4 Palestinian kids trying to sell Chicklets or rub a cloth on my windshield for a few shekels. A few shekels I never seem to have on me, or that I sometimes admit to not wanting to give over. The kids are usually there, most hours of the day and night. Not in school. In need of new clothes, new shoes. Probably needing some nourishment.

Of course, you see kids like this, kids in need of money, of a future, in so many cities. But this is Jerusalem – it just doesn’t feel right. Kids like these shouldn’t exist here. They, too, should be singing, believing, becoming, just like those of us who stop through Jerusalem in the course of our lives. Those of who are privileged enough not to be born into their world – divided by walls, separated by their religion and ethnicity, discussed rhetorically by so many but understood practically by so few. They live here – so close, yet so far away from what Jerusalem is. And yet they are also its future.

The words of Psalm 122, the songs of St. Anne, and these ideas are also on my mind when I pull up to the light near the Malha Mall, near our new place. There, at least in the evenings, you will find Haredi men selling various items, most notably copies of Tehilim, the Book of Psalms.

(I thought I saw one of them selling bean pies and copies of the Final Call, a la members of the Nation of Islam, but then I realized I was daydreaming. Quite an image, though, if you think about it.)

Do they sell these items because, like the Palestinian kids across town, they and their families desperately need the money, need something to build hope for the future with? Maybe. I admit I haven’t asked. But they certainly look a lot less in need.

Perhaps, rather than them being in need, they stand on this corner because they believe the rest of us to be in need. They realize that too many of us have missed the words of Psalm 122, and so many others, reminding us of the glories of the city whose streets we drivers honk and crawl and gesticulate our way through all day and night. Perhaps they understand the glory of this city and want to remind those of us too busy with normal life that we are not in a normal city.

We are in Jerusalem: you don’t need gum, you need God.

A few weeks back in Haaretz, Sayed Kashua took a break from his normal weekly writing and published an interview with Hillel Cohen, author of the new book “The Market Square Is Empty: The Rise and Fall of Arab Jerusalem, 1967-2007.” It’s a fascinating interview (especially to hear how Cohen spent years on his own roaming East Jerusalem and the Territories, learning from the streets), but this is what stuck out for me:

…official Israel can celebrate united Jerusalem’s fourth decade more comfortably than ever. What’s left of the future capital of the Palestinian state are heaps of ruins, a political phantom; a surrounded city, encircled by settlements and isolated from the rest of the West Bank, a city that had already been dying for 15 years before the separation fence came to finish it off.

Cohen speaks of how Jerusalem has become more theoretical, more spiritual for Palestinians, yet with the reality of Jerusalem existing as a capital, or even as a truly functioning and integrated part of Palestinian society, ever further away.

One need only look at the two sides of Jerusalem to see how true this is – Palestinian kids selling Chicklets and Orthodox Jews selling Psalms. The luxury to sell Psalms, to peddle food for the soul, for the heart, for Jerusalem is one that only half of this city has. That half has come much closer to realizing its own dreams, its own notions of what Jerusalem might be. Even if they are sharp divisions about the scope of religious influence, religious interpretation, or religious identification, there is no question that those are questions that do not require one to sell Chicklets to try to survive.

And while much of Palestinian Jerusalem is not at all impoverished, and indeed includes some of the wealthiest anywhere in Palestinian society, the truth is that their part of this city is “ruins.” Not just because their kids must sell Chicklets, but because the evolution of this city – its settlements, its walls, its permitting authorities - - has left them with a Jerusalem address, but not a Jerusalem reality or a Jerusalem dream.

That reality, that dream may only exist in the voices of the faithful at the Church of St. Anne. Those voices, no matter how ignorant to the realities of the people around them, still contain the essence of that dream that is so necessary for the future. And it is one that I hope everyone gets to hear some day: the dream of Jerusalem.

Choice and Life

Reading Secretary of State Rice’s remarks yesterday about the situation in Palestine brought to mind a few questions and thoughts about “choice” and “life” in Eastern and Western Palestine and Israel. Here is what she had to say about the issue:

A fundamental choice confronts the Palestinians, and all people in the Middle East, more clearly now, than ever. It is a choice between violent extremism on the one hand and tolerance and responsibility on the other. Hamas has made its choice. It has sought to attempt to extinguish democratic debate with violence and to impose its extremist agenda on the Palestinian people in Gaza. Now, responsible Palestinians are making their choice and it is the duty of the international community to support those Palestinians who wish to build a better life and a future of peace.

Aside from the fact that this sounds a whole lot like the quote I posted from the American Jewish Committee’s statement from last week, I am somewhat amazed to hear that the Palestinians are confronted with a choice, at least as of right now. No doubt the Secretary knows far more than I do about what’s happening on the ground, but from where I sit, behind (in front of?) the Wall, I am hard-pressed to comprehend this “choice” that so clearly faces Palestinians on June 19, 2007.

First there are the Palestinians in Gaza (or maybe we just don’t consider them Palestinians anymore?). What choices do they have? Some would like to leave, perhaps they would like to choose “tolerance and responsibility.” But if they can get through Hamas checkpoints and arrests, Israel won’t let them leave. They’re stuck. Now the Israeli government won’t even let in Magen David Adom ambulances into the Erez crossing area, for fear of infiltration. So I have trouble seeing the choice there.

They could choose to try to sneak into Egypt, as a few hundred have chosen to. But again, even if they can get in to Egypt, I’m not so sure that’s a destination brimming with “tolerance and responsibility” or where they can find “a better life and a future of peace.”

Should they take to the streets? Well, if they do so with guns, they’ll likely be labeled terrorists. Or, even if supported nominally by the West, they will likely end up where Fatah has: running for their lives. And if they choose to stand up and take to the streets without guns, they’ll likely face the wrath of Hamas and its “violent extremism.” And since the international community is leaving Hamas to its own devices, without any kind of negotiations or interaction other than basic aid, there will hardly be much leverage should more such carnage happen.

Or should they simply sit back and wait? Well, if they simply do what they can to survive physically and economically to make sure they and their families live until tomorrow, then we will probably label them as Hamas sympathizers because they stayed in Gaza and did not rise up.

In the end, not a lot of real choices. Next there are the Palestinians in the West Bank. Sure, the aid is coming, the tax revenues are finally flowing, and the support seems steadfast.

But, of course, that’s support for Fayyad and Abbas and, apparently, for Fatah, not necessarily the people. Now, Fayyad has managed over the years to maintain a solid record and profile, so I can understand the move in his direction. But this is quite clearly a Fatah and Abbas-led government.

Yet it is Fatah, after all, that was deemed so corrupt that the Palestinian people so overwhelmingly voted for Hamas, despite most not agreeing with its ideology. And in spite of millions of dollars of aid from the U.S. directly to Fatah to help it try to win those elections. As the Washington Post editorialized – in a piece appropriately called “Hamas’s Choice” – after the elections:

Many Palestinians who voted for Hamas don’t support the Islamists’ fundamentalist agenda: Polls show that large majorities want an end to violence and a resumption of peace talks with Israel. Wednesday’s vote was not an embrace of extremism, but — as President Bush suggested yesterday — a rejection of the corrupt and incompetent clique of leaders left behind by Yasser Arafat. Since Arafat’s death more than a year ago, his Fatah movement had been unable to reform itself or control its violent elements, despite the good intentions of Mr. Abbas. Now, perhaps, a new generation of secular leaders will be able to purge Fatah and prepare to offer Palestinians a better alternative, while crooks and armed thugs are cut from the government’s payroll.

But here we are again: Fayyad is new, but this is still Fatah and Fatah is still led by Abbas. Can we really be sure there will be no corruption? That the government will actually work for the people?

And although the Palestinian people, both in Gaza and the West Bank, so clearly did not choose them in the open and fairly-contested elections in 2006, they are now supposed to choose them? Now that…what? Now that they have been routed in Gaza but held on and propped up in the West Bank?

I don’t necessarily believe Abbas to be the problem, but how can he be seen as the only “choice” for a “better life and a future of peace,” two things he clearly has not brought to the Palestinian people, even when he was in complete control?

What if the Palestinians in the West Bank want to choose someone else now, some party other than Fatah, because, unlike the Bush Administration apparently, their memories go back before January 2006? Will they be allowed? Will this be a choice they can make? Can they choose Marwan Barghouthi?

What if they wait six months or a year, and nothing much has changed? Or are they allowed to “choose” only if it means choosing the one choice we might approve of?

What if Palestinians in the West Bank would like to choose a “better life and a future of peace” that involves, say, being able to get to school or work on a road of their choice? Or getting to school or work at all? Or trying to find work in and enter Israel? Or pray at al-Aqsa? If they would like to live a future of peace and “tolerance and responsibility” on land not surrounded by settlements and the IDF? How about if they would like to build a larger home on land adjacent to their house, but for which their only title document may date from the Ottoman era? Can they choose to build and not have their home demolished?

What say you, Madame Secretary, can they make those choices? Will you stand so clearly behind them then as you do when it is Hamas on the other side? Will you stand with the Palestinians when the choices are a little harder to make, to implement? When they involve pushing Israel a bit more than you have chosen to so far? Will you support their choices then?

Now, I do not mean to imply the Palestinians have no choices to make, or have not had choices to make over the past decades of Occupation and Oslo. Surely they have, and in so many cases, some Palestinians have made terrible choices that have resulted in only more pain and tragedy for them and for so many Israelis.

But perhaps it’s time for the Administration, for Israel, for the American Jewish community, for the West to own up to their own choices here. To stand behind the Palestinians, to support the choices that they believe will lead to this future of peace the Secretary speaks of. Not just asking them to choose the choices that Israel would choose for them. Call that whatever you want, but do not call it choice.

No matter what you believe about how or why we got here, no matter whose choices or mistakes or ideology you would place blame on, I pray that we all realize these choices are not really for the Palestinians to make alone. They are for all of us to make.

Two final notes – one from the Palestinian author Raja Shehadeh and one from Moses (quite a duo). Shehadeh, as many of you will know, has written several must-read books on the situation here, both from legal and personal perspectives. One of his older memoirs is entitled “The Third Way.” As he explains about halfway down in this piece, the title is actually based on a saying from Treblinka:

Raja himself demonstrated in choosing the title of his book, The Third Way: A Journal of Life in the West Bank. On the back cover, the origin of the phrase “the third way” is explained: “From the wisdom of the Treblinka concentration camp: ‘Faced with two alternatives-always choose the third.’ Between mute submission and blind hate-I choose the third way. I am Samid [the steadfast].

For his part, Moses, at the end of Deuteronomy, while ending his leadership of the Jewish people, announces a second covenant of sorts with the people. That is, the first covenant under Moses’ leadership took place at Sinai, but Abravanel teaches us that this covenant was only with those souls present at Sinai. But as the people stood ready to enter the Land, a second covenant – binding on the souls of all those present and all future generations – is initiated.

And within that covenant, we read the following verses in Deuteronomy 30:

15 See, I have set before thee this day life and good, and death and evil,

16 in that I command thee this day to love HaShem thy G-d, to walk in His ways, and to keep His commandments and His statutes and His ordinances; then thou shalt live and multiply, and HaShem thy G-d shall bless thee in the land whither thou goest in to possess it.

17 But if thy heart turn away, and thou wilt not hear, but shalt be drawn away, and worship other gods, and serve them;

18 I declare unto you this day, that ye shall surely perish; ye shall not prolong your days upon the land, whither thou passest over the Jordan to go in to possess it.

19 I call heaven and earth to witness against you this day, that I have set before thee life and death, the blessing and the curse; therefore choose life, that thou mayest live, thou and thy seed;

On the Shabbat following 9/11, I gave a d’var torah on this passage and those around it (you can see most of the text excerpted on the Shalom Center’s website here). And I essentially suggested there that we should, perhaps in a sort of post-9/11 covenant, read the end of this passage to say not just “choose life” for you and your seed, but for you and all seeds to live.

So, since it did not exactly play out that way post-9/11, let me ask this again, post-Gaza. Let us not see only two choices, involving two failed options, innumerable failed leaders, tragically failed realities. Let us use this moment, all of us, to be like Shehahdeh, to choose neither submission nor hate, but to be steadfast: steadfast in our pursuit of what Moses commanded, to choose life.

Choose all life: Israeli, Palestinian, American, Iraqi, Jewish, Muslim, Christian, and those of every seed on earth.

My Reason for Optimism: High Court Moves on Shehadeh Case

Okay, I get it. Based on the responses and comments to my last post (so far, all 0 of them), I’ll admit anything approaching macro-political analysis (or maybe, more aptly, macro-response) is not my forte. Despite living in Washington and being an avid reader of/listener to endless analysis and commentary, I can’t quite talk the talk. I’ll leave that to Andrew, Steffi, and the other wiser and more savvy commentators out there in the blogosphere, on NPR, and the like.

So I’ll just mention two things quickly to get myself back on track.

First, I can report that Jerusalem is awake politically (this is, however, not my reason for optimism). Although not, as you might think, because of the developments in Gaza. No, those are still events primarily for the news; instead, the cause is the Gay Pride Parade scheduled to take place here on Thursday. Already been a couple of nights of protests in the Haredi neighborhoods (stories here and here) ,and now flyers have appeared in some neighborhoods asking for sanity and respect. And in a newer development I can report from the ground, while driving just this evening, I watched a group of Haredim place banners along the main road into Jerusalem from Tel Aviv that say “Zimah = Milchamah” and “Elokim Soneh Zimah.” (“Zimah” essentially means “lechery,” which, in the eyes of these Haredim anyway, equals homosexuality; to finish the translations, “milchamah” means “war” and “Elokim Soneh” means “God hates”). This, \for any number of reasons, was not something I cherished trying to explain to my son; I changed the subject pretty quickly. But thought I would mention that this is something that is really gripping the residents of the city. The march is Thursday, so I’ll do my best to report back.

Second, my reason for optimism. And it has nothing to do with developments in Gaza, the West Bank, or Washington. My reason rests in an unrelated development from Jerusalem: the High Court of Israel has finally moved, if ever so slightly, on the Yesh Gvul petition demanding an inquiry into the July 2002 bombing of Saleh Shehadeh’s home in Gaza. The article in Haaretz discussing it is brief, so I copy it below in its entirety:

The state must inform the High Court of Justice within 45 days on whether it is willing to establish an independent committee to investigate the assassination of leading Hamas militant Saleh Shehadeh in July 2002, including the question of whether a criminal probe is justified. The ruling was made yesterday by Justices Dorit Beinisch, Eliezer Rivlin and Ayala Procaccia.

Shehadeh was killed when the air force dropped a one-ton bomb on his apartment building in Gaza. The explosion destroyed the building and killed 14 other people, most of them women and children. After the attorney general refused to order a criminal investigation into the incident, the High Court was petitioned by Yesh Gvul, a group formed by reserve soldiers who opposed the first Lebanon war.

The ruling handed down at yesterday’s hearing rested on an earlier decision issued in December 2006 by a panel headed by then Supreme Court president Aharon Barak. That ruling upheld the government’s right to assassinate terrorists, but said that if an assassination resulted in the death of innocent civilians, the decision and its execution must then be “objectively” examined to determine what went wrong. While the court did not clarify what it meant by this, legal experts believe an inquiry committee set up by the Defense Ministry would suffice.

In this case, an inquiry would probably focus on whether the army could or should have known that the bombing was likely to kill innocent people. The army claimed at the time that it had no reason to foresee this result.

At yesterday’s hearing, government attorney Shai Nitzan declined to reveal the findings of an internal army probe into Shehadeh’s killing. However, under pressure from the justices, he then pledged that the army would consider agreeing to an independent probe whose findings would be given to both the petitioners and the court.

If the army refuses, the government may consider establishing such an inquiry committee without its consent.

Yesh Gvul originally filed its petition in September 2003. However, the court repeatedly postponed hearing it, and finally decided to do so only after issuing its ruling on the legality of assassinations in principle.

For those not familiar with the case, I have written about it previously on this site. In that post, I quote extensively from the infamous interview former Chief of Staff Dan Halutz gave after the bombing. If anyone needs to be reminded as to why it’s a good thing he is no longer IDF Chief of Staff, even absent his failures during the Lebanon campaign last summer, click over.

As the Haaretz article above mentions, the petition in this case was filed in September 2003 by Yesh Gvul, the venerable refuser and social advocacy organization begun during the First Lebanon War in 1982. And it has basically been kicked down the road by the court ever since.

Along the way, this tragedy and the ensuing efforts to hold someone – anyone – accountable really have become a touchstone for many Israeli activists, as the final straw that made them stand up. IAF pilot refuser and Combatants for Peace co-founder Yonatan Shapira is only one example.

So I take it as a sign of optimism that the court has decided to move in this way. We’ll see, of course, what comes of it. After all, there’s a long way between the court asking the government if it would even consider a commission of inquiry and ultimately holding someone accountable for the deaths of innocent civilians. And this is the same High Court that just last December blessed the government’s practice of targeted assassinations last year, so hard to hold out too much hope.

But I’m going to do my best here to not move to the half-empty side of the street quite yet. Although, as the article mentions, it was the High Court’s ruling in December 2006 that provided the legal basis for this possible inquiry into the civilian deaths, perhaps this is another sign of the impact of Lebanon on the Israeli establishment. Or the realization of all of the political and military failures over the years that have, in a real way, resulted in 40 years of Occupation and, now, Hamas taking over the Gaza Strip. And the commission of so many horrendous acts against innocent civilians along the way.

Or that, even for those who believe fully in Israel’s overall policies in the Palestinian Territories, that, like the very name of the group that has made this happen, sometimes there really is a limit. Or, as Yesh Gvul’s motto proclaims: There are things that decent people don’t do. And that’s something we all need to consider. Let’s hope the Israeli government and justices of the High Court wrestle with those ideas very actively.

Finally, I’ll end with another positive note and mention that there’s something each of us can do to help further this effort. But although it means doing something I don’t normally do in this space (i.e., ask people to donate money), this is different. Please support Yesh Gvul in these (and other) efforts. After going to the Yesh Gvul website to learn more about them, go here and choose “Yesh Gvul Projects” from the “RSN Projects” drop-down menu.

From One Helpless-Feeling Soul to Another

This will be a bit different from my usual posts. It’s late and I don’t really know what to say. It will be glaring that this is stream of consciousness, but it seems more glaring not to say anything. So some random thoughts and feelings and fears from inside that I invite (and need) others to add to.

Gaza is in freefall, is burning. Parts of the West Bank may soon follow, indeed have already started. (Jerusalem is still quiet and detached, as far as I can tell). And with all of it, I think we’d have to say, any last shreds of what torn and tattered and tortured hopes of peace that still may have existed here, at least in people’s hearts. What can we say? What can we do?

I have been thinking about this for days. In some way, it’s been clear for years, and most certainly since the Hamas victory last year, that we were headed here. Well, that we were headed here if…

If…Palestinians could not bring their leadership together and create a governing body that could, well, govern in something even bordering on functionality, notwithstanding the obstacles.
If…Israel was able to continue to strangle Gaza and its people, even while “disengaged,” and occupy the rest of the Palestinians through an ever-tightening noose and expanding system of control.
If…the US did not put aside short-sightedness and instead decide to become finally the honest broker it needs to be, if it did not remove narrow and ideological obstacles to the diplomatic efforts so badly needed.
If…the Arab world did not finally make the decisions and sacrifices necessary to really support Palestinians, with more than just rhetoric and symbolic gestures.
If…
If…
If…
If…people like me were not ultimately able to bring about real change in the decision-making of their governments and their communities.

Sadly, all of the “ifs” came true. None of the good things happened, at least not fully, and there are probably more negative “ifs” than any one server could support on an internet site.

So now it feels like it’s too late to ask “what do we do now?” or “whose fault is it?” As I watched al-Jazeera (English version) today, I was fascinated to see that, at least in the snippet I saw in the afternoon, of about 15 interviewees in the West Bank, in Gaza, and around the region, not one mentioned Israel or the U.S. as deserving of blame for the current crisis.

But really those questions of blame and next steps were better suited for 2, 7, 10, 40 years ago. Decades of failure cannot be undone or forgotten so easily, no matter whose failures they are.

Perhaps what we can do then, as people, as human beings, is simply reach out. That, too, has not been happening enough in recent years. There may be a few people in Gaza or the West Bank who can connect to the Internet wirelessly. If nothing else, they need to know that at least a few people in the American and Jewish (not sure I can be bold enough to put myself in the Israeli world) worlds care a bit more and a bit longer than what they see on a news story. That their lives mean more to us than a shrug of the shoulders and “gee, isn’t that sad?” followed by a click.

Last year, shortly after the outset of the Lebanon War, I wrote this:

Perhaps it is the height of selfishness to look at myself at moments like this. No time for that, I should say. But in these circumstances, individual acts feel foreign, feel useless. Perhaps that is why I am no leader.

So still I ask, could I have done more? Could we all have done more? So few people even know there is such a movement of American Jews who disagree with these Israeli policies — and do so on the basis of their belief in and love for the idea of Israel — in the United States , and even fewer hear our voice. What more can I do, can we do, because no matter some of our successes and goals met, we must see that we still have so, so far to go?

And our failure to reach our goal means that the tragedy in Israel, Lebanon, and Palestine goes nearly unchallenged. It means that no one in Lebanon or Palestine knows there are some from within the other side who are trying to help.

So here we are again. Another moment when these failures, these missed opportunities seem so acute. When violence and chaos are replacing order and hope. When the leaders we have to look to are Hanniyeh, Meshal, Abbas, Olmert, Barak (I can’t even bear to write about his “victory”), Netanyahu, Bush, Rice, nearly all of the US Congress, et al, it’s hard to look outside and expect much, so it seems natural to look inside, to look to other individuals. Still the height of selfishness, I guess, but I’m not sure what selflessness can look like in this case. Again, the reason I am no leader.

Yes, we need to write and call our representatives to appeal to them to do something. We need to support the few NGOs and agencies left that are supporting the people. We need to keep working for an end to the Occupation, regardless of what the other side may look like.

But all I can do right now, right here, is express this feeling, this gut-wrenching emptiness and helplessness and sadness and shamefulness. We have all, an entire world, failed this situation, failed the people here. Let us never forget that. Let us redouble ourselves, then, to work, once the opportunity re-emerges, to undo those failures, however long it takes.

In the meantime, let us reach out our hearts and our hands. Let us pray that this gloomy feeling is misplaced, that hope and peace and respect can somehow be stronger than misery and pain and pessimism and opportunism. That the gleam in the eyes of the Palestinian and Israeli children I see at my son’s school each morning will light the way of the future, rather than the reflection from tracers or night vision goggles.

On Friday, my son is going with those children on a class field-trip to a place called “Beit Holomot.” The House of Dreams. I pray, perhaps more than anything else, that he and his friends find real dreams there. Never have we needed them to start finding and building their dreams so quickly.

Lech Le-chem (or, “Go”)

“God said to Abram, ‘Go away from your land, from your birthplace, and from your father’s house, to the land that I will show you.’” Genesis 12:1.

I’ll get back to the opening passage of parshat Lech Lecha and hopefully get to my ultimate point in a bit, but feel like I have to give a bit of personal context and scene-setting (as a result, this may be slightly longer than even my usual long-winded posts. Hope some of you bear with it til the end). My in-laws have been visiting for the past 10 days. Their first trip to Israel, and their first week in and around Jerusalem went so nicely that we thought we would pile the kids, parents, and grandparents in the cars and head north to see a whole different side of the country.

First stop: Caesarea. I’m not as crazy as some for ruins, but Caesarea is pretty impressive and always a nice stop, especially as you head north on the coast. They’ve gone a bit overboard, in my opinion, in the development, but such is life in the 21st century. We still had an enjoyable visit and decided to extend the stay a bit with a picnic at the beach near the aqueduct ruins, just down the road from the main city.

Picnic was also lovely, making us even more excited to get north. But when we got back to the cars, we soon realized that all was not well. Thieves had come and — in broad daylight in a parking lot at a relatively crowded beach on a Friday afternoon — managed to take everything out of my in-laws’ rental car. (They tried with ours, as well, but although they broke 2 of 3 locks, they failed to take anything more, mercifully). In addition to stealing a suitcase literally in the shape of Thomas the Tank Engine, filled with my older son’s toys and books, they managed to get my father-in-law’s passport. Which meant doing a 180 and heading off to Tel Aviv as quickly as possible to see if we could manage a replacement for him before the weekend (as they had planned to depart this morning).

(Quick aside on my older son. All in all, he has handled the news of his things’ disappearance and the whole situation quite well. Has hardly asked for them since, and when he does, he always seems to immediately remember what happened and mentions “the bad people.” When we realized that his suitcase was gone – he loved the suitcase probably more than anything, at least last week – we tried to explain and calling the perpetrators “the bad people” was all I could come up with on the spot. Was not ready yet to start explaining the cruelties of the world to this amazing and still mostly innocent boy. My heart cracked more than it has in a long time when, after I explained that people had taken his bag and his toys, he looked up at me with huge, teary eyes and simply asked, “Papa, are they gonna give it back?” Never have I felt as powerless as at that moment when I could not make my son’s world better. But, I am sure you parents of older or grown-up children out there are saying, sadly, “just wait.” I know, I know, but wow, is this hard.)

So off to Tel Aviv we sped. Reached the Embassy right at closing, but had no luck on the passport. My wife (fluent Hebrew speaker) and father-in-law went off to try to deal with that, and then with an Embassy employee who kindly offered to take them to the Tel Aviv police station to file the police report there. (The local Caesarea/Hadera police had actually rolled by on patrol about 5 minutes after our discovery. Two officers got out of the car, surveyed the cars, shook their heads, and said “Ain ma la’asot.” “Nothing to do.” I didn’t tell my son about that.)

This left me, my mother-in-law and son having to kill about 3 hours, but not really being able to go anywhere. Luckily the Embassy is next to the Tayelet and the beach, so we had somewhere to run around and play a bit.

Which brings me back to the main event of this post. While my son and I were running and jumping around on the Tayelet, who should roll up and head down to the beach but a group of 30 or so late teens/twentysomething Americans on a Birthright trip. (I know they were Birthright because I saw the nametags as they walked by; if you don’t know Birthright, there’ll be plenty more in a moment). Down they went to the beach, along with their twentysomething armed escort (he was Israeli), and proceeded to stand in a circle, put arms around shoulders, sing “Adon Olam” and another song or two, then conclude with “Hava Nagila” and dance the hora. Less than five minutes later, they were gone. Off to who-knows-where-else in their “tour” of Israel.

This performance may well have been enough for me to write. But what was more fascinating and provocative than the Birthrighters themselves was the reaction of the people walking by. Most just ignored them, but plenty of others took note. I heard at least 3 shout “Lech Habayitah,” or “Go home.” (Not proper Hebrew, I don’t think, but I’m quite sure this is what I heard each time). Others stood and gawked, some shook their heads. A number of families of foreign workers (mostly from southeast Asia) spent a fair amount of time watching; it seemed to me they were watching mostly to figure out what was going on.

Perhaps needless to say, no one joined the group on the beach. Nor did I even see anyone smile at them or clap or sing along.

And the people walking by were, themselves, a fascinating lot. The gay pride parade had been earlier in the day, so there were a fair amount of folks bearing rainbow banners strolling by. Tel Aviv youth decked out in their bathing suits and Friday night wear (which covers not much more of their bodies than bathing suits do.) Older folks also clearly out for the evening. Foreign workers, foreign travelers, and the occasional homeless person.

In the end, if you think about it, not that much different from the lot of folks you’d see walking by in any major city with a beach in most countries in the world.

Except, of course, for the Birthrighters doing the hora on the beach.

Three primary things struck me about what I witnessed at the beach. The first was the “Lech Habayitah/Go home” shouts I heard. So much packed in those 2 words.

– Those shouting knew, or at least assumed, that those dancing were not from Tel Aviv, and probably not from Israel; they did not mean head home to Netanya. They meant head home to America.
– Isn’t the whole point of Birthright that Israel is supposed to be the Jewish “home?” One thing that was most definitely obvious about the Birthrighters was that they were Jewish. So what does it mean when Israeli Jews (and not just academics or writers at a conference) tell them to go “home,” i.e., out of Israel?
– I mentioned the Hebrew issue before. Happy to be corrected here, but when yelling a command to a group of people, I believe they should have said “Lech-u habayitah.” Instead they chose the singular “lech.” Maybe they were just abbreviating, but another way to look at it is that the shouters looked at the group of 30 as all being one person. Each indistinguishable from the next, and that when one moved to do something, all would follow. So they just needed to shout “Lech” in the singular.

The second thing that struck me about what I saw was how oblivious the Birthrighters were, or at least seemed to be, to what was happening and who was around them. They did not seem to notice that they were being scoffed at and told to go home. They were dancing in their own vision of Israel there on Shabbat eve on the beach; why should the real one walking by them matter?

Finally, as they sang “Adon Olam,” I distinctly remembering wondering if this was a peculiarly Diaspora Jew/Israel phenomenon. That is, when Native American kids who have grown up in cities or elsewhere return to native homelands, do they break into similar traditional dances and songs? Do they even go back? And what do the kids who grow up on reservations think while they watch? What about African-Americans who can trace their ancestry back to a specific village? Or Arab-Americans? When kids of Lebanese origin who have grown up in the U.S. all their lives head back as a group to Beirut, do they break into the debka on the beach? I have no idea, but would love to know.

Anyway, I have thought a lot about this since last Friday and will share just a few more of my thoughts. The next thing I want to do, though, is explain that Birthright is a program that provides all-expenses-paid for young Diaspora (primarily American, but from Europe and elsewhere, too) Jews to go to Israel for around 10 days or so. Thousands take them up on the offer each year. The trips are then organized by specific groups or leaders, so they’re not all the same. But perhaps needless to say, they don’t spend a lot of time or pay a lot of attention to some of the issues we discuss on this blog, let alone the dozens of other social issues in Israel.

And for anti-Occupation activists, Birthright is one of the most difficult programs to remain calm or neutral about because, each year, thousands of young people who could be brought here to help make peace, to understand all of the sides and issues, are instead brought to Israel to be subjected to one level of propaganda after another, all designed to be their “first date” with Israel and to leave them with little to no understanding of the other side of just about any issue. Like my constant gripe about the Israel on Campus Coalition, Birthright adds to the chorus of those who seem to want our students and young people not to discover and learn for themselves, not to challenge what they have been taught, not to strive to better what is around them. We want them to listen, to memorize and regurgitate talking points, to mimic, to accept. To be a group of people who act as a single person, with a single mindset, so that those observing them do not really have to wonder if there are differences among them. And that is shameful.

When we got back to Jerusalem, I went to the Birthright website and found this in the “About us” section:

Taglit-birthright Israel’s founders created this program to send thousands of young Jewish adults from all over the world to Israel as a gift in order to diminish the growing division between Israel and Jewish communities around the world; to strengthen the sense of solidarity among world Jewry; and to strengthen participants’ personal Jewish identity and connection to the Jewish people.

As I read this over, I thought back to what I saw on the beach. As far as these goals are concerned, those young people might as well have been dancing the hora in Long Island as Tel Aviv, as at least 2 of the 3 main prongs of the Birthright mission fell flat. Perhaps the Birthrighters felt less divided from Israel while dancing, but Israel didn’t seem to be less divided from them. If anything, Israel was dividing further away from them during their dance, rather than coming closer. Perhaps that’s more of a commentary on Tel Aviv in 2007 than the Birthrighters, but it doesn’t make it any less true.

Again, perhaps their internal solidarity was stronger, but not with the Jews (let alone non-Jews) around them. Although their personal Jewish identities may have been strengthened, also not clear about their connection to the Jewish people, at least as embodied by those around them in Tel Aviv.

Normally I’d stop here and leave off with another (admittedly, essentially critical) word or 2 about Birthright as a means for understanding anything about Israel. But having had some more time to think, let me add just a few more thoughts that at least make the issue a bit more complex. And, as always, would love to hear those of others.

In the end, I have really been asking myself — aren’t the Birthright kids the ones I should have been drawn to? In the end, shouldn’t there be more people dancing the hora on Shabbat in Tel Aviv? Even if I am unsure about the nature of official Jewish-ness of the State of Israel, this strikes me as something I should be heartened to see, rather than something to inspire mocking, or worse. So, American accents notwithstanding, why did these American Jews seem even more foreign than usual here?

Ultimately, I think it’s this. When God told a 75 year-old Abraham to leave his home of Ur with his family and head to a new land, it took Abraham a long time to understand the Land to which he had come, and all of the people in it. In Genesis, God presents the Land to him as a Birthright, of sorts, if you consider his first journey a birth. God promises to make Abraham and his offspring into a great nation, and bless them in this land.

And, sure, he goes, but Abraham takes his time. He does not enter the land with his divine orders and rights, and simply stay and begin to declare everyone else unwelcome. He does not blind himself to what is around him. Through his nature, his wisdom, his integrity – and, I believe, as a result rather than as a cause, his divine connection – Abraham begins the process of creation of the connection of the Jewish people to the Land that would ultimately become Israel.

(I had intended to also talk about Birthright some in light of the controversial interview in Haaretz with former MK and Jewish Agency head Avraham Burg, who makes some thought-provoking, difficult, and incendiary comments about Israel and Zionism and Judaism. Worth a read in the meantime, and they plug in quite well to this discussion, and although I plan to comment on it soon, but for now I will leave with the following).

The time that Abraham takes, the curiosity about and respect for what is already here, these are what is lacking in the attempt to create a new Birthright, a new connection. Birthright and so much of the American Jewish community look for images, for moments, for ideals, for well-worn talking points and brochures, and expect that creating a package of them, whatever their relation to reality, then ignoring the rest, will equal the connection. But it can’t.

When you do that, those that are here already simply tell you to go home.

So, lech le-chem. Open your eyes and take your time, Birthrighters. Get out and see the country and everyone in it while you are here. Understand the people a bit more, listen to their stories. Follow in Abraham’s way and do not build walls like those you see around you (do you see them?). Keep your tent, your bus, open on all sides; let everyone come in. Foster peace in your hearts and your connection with the land and all of the people in it, not division, not domination. As Abraham did, and as Avraham Burg now suggests again, look to the Judaism of morality rather than the Judaism of sovereignty.

Maybe then someone will dance the hora with you. Who knows, maybe even me.

One Occupation at a Time

Here it is: the 40th anniversary of the 1967 War, of the Occupation, of so much changing in Israel, Palestine, the Middle East, the world. Overwhelming, actually. And to be here, to drive to the Dead Sea and see the sprawling insanity of the Ma’aleh Adumim settlement, to get a bit closer to the Wall, to feel again so distant from what is so close, well, it is hard to do much but shake your head and feel overwhelmed at the permanent feeling of it all, at the difficulty of believing this will, or can, ever really “end.”

(For what it’s worth, of the newspaper articles I have read in the past few days, I would recommend most highly Akiva Eldar’s piece “Living the Lives of Others” in Monday’s Ha’aretz.)

But as I was reflecting on the Eldar piece, on what Israel and Palestine might have been had 1966 not led to 1967, I came upon another article, a smaller article, if you will. About a very important issue to those it impacts but one that probably doesn’t even make the Top 1,000 in issues in Israel and Palestine these days.

The article is about the fact that only one of Israel’s banks will set up shop in the Bedouin town of Rahat, in southern Israel. Despite the fact that 40,000 people live in the town, and 10,000 more in the surrounding area, only Mercantile-Discount has opened a branch. The other major banks have been asked to open there as well, but have either said the residents should go to the closest town that has one (upwards of 35km away) or use the Internet (which most people in the town either don’t have the equipment to access, or the understanding of what to do when they get on).

Economic disparity, big business leaving out second class citizens, avoiding poor areas — this is nothing new. But the saddest part of this story to me is actually not mentioned in the article. That is, the Bedouin didn’t just end up here, poor and bank-less in Rahat. The Israeli government forced the Bedouin to live in these towns in the first place. Starting in the 1970s, following a policy of simply not “recognizing” their villages as even existing and thus not providing services of any kind – even a mailing address, which is hard to conceive of as being a service provided by the state, but it is — the State of Israel decided to create seven concentration towns. In these towns, the State imagined the Bedouin population could simply give up their culture and livelihood and undergo some level of Israel-ification.

(Unrecognized villages is a fascinating and difficult topic – you can get some background here and here, as well as read about Adalah’s many efforts to fight this policy in court here)

Needless to say, Israel-ification has been a painful and difficult process for the Bedouin. They lag behind just about every other group in Israeli society, in just about every social and development category. And clearly banks and other businesses know this. Even the Eged bus company, which controls public transportation throughout the country, has an essentially overt policy of discriminating against the Bedouin (and Israeli Arabs, as a whole). Whereas buses run frequently into and throughout neighboring towns (not to mention settlements in the West Bank), they either avoid Bedouin towns altogether, or when they do go to these towns, they stop only at one point on the outskirts of town, and only once or twice throughout the day. Despite the insistence of overwhelming majorities of people in these towns that they would use – that they need — banking and bus services, the companies stay away.

(For some comparison to the plight of the Bedouins in Rahat, you can read a fascinating/disturbing piece by a settler concerned about decreasing service to his settlement and how it indicates signs of the “next expulsion” here.)

So there’s the cruel irony – the State forces the Bedouin to leave their traditional lives in order to have them live in towns the State will “recognize.” Then, although they get an address and running water and electricity, the State still does not insure that the now-recognized towns will have services anywhere commensurate with other Israelis, either in Israel or the West Bank.

Separate. Unequal. Perhaps the Bedouin and Israeli Arabs are not subject to the conditions and oppression of The Occupation, but strikes me that this is occupation of another kind.

All this got me thinking about, well, home. And how similar these services and inequality issues are to issues in my real home of DC. As with Bedouin banking, these are also not issues that any of the presidential candidates will be debating any time soon, that even make the Top 10,000 issues in the U.S. today.

But consider that, in all of Ward 7 of DC, home to over 70,000 people, there is only one sit-down, full-service restaurant. One: Denny’s. Every other place to eat is counter or take-out service. Ward 7 may be distant and neglected in the capital city, a place where few tourists ever go, but it is insane to me that there is only one restaurant. Surely other restaurants would have business if they opened.

And then there is the long-standing issue of the lack of grocery stores in Ward 8, across the river and also home to 70,000 people. The last one closed in 1998; a Giant is slated to open in October 2007, years after the residents were promised they would have a new one. But still – just 1 for 70,000 residents, spread over an entire ward? Is that at all sufficient, let alone equal?

Thinking about the Bedouin banking and busing issues while listening to the news recount the history of 1967, of the conditions of the Occupation felt a bit like reading these stories about conditions in Wards 7 and 8 in DC while thinking about when the U.S. occupation and war in Iraq will end.

So here’s my thought. And again, nothing altogether new – issues of social activism and consciousness, like socially responsible investing and consumer boycotts, have been around for awhile, and there are tons of resources out there to help guide you. But they’re still limited in their reach, and knowledge that these issues even exist is also so limited. How many anti-Occupation activists, let alone the general public, are aware of Bedouin or Israeli Arab issues?

Maybe what we need to do to expand their reach is label all of these social problems “occupations.” (Small “o,” though – there is still only one “Occupation” with a capital “O.”) Perhaps there is not an army or another state occupying Rahat or the poorer areas of DC, but what is occupying them is lack of general awareness, neglect, inequality, separation. And these should be as much on our minds as the major O/occupations of our time, because they can be solved.

No matter how many blog entries we write, how much money we give to activist groups, how many or how loud our protests, the Separation Wall cannot come down tomorrow. Settlements like Ma’aleh Adumim cannot be evacuated and disengaged from without unimaginable effort and cost. Similarly, the troops cannot leave Iraq tomorrow without similar cost (both financial and human).

So when things like the Occupation of Palestine or Iraq seem so overwhelming, perhaps all of these issues need to be labeled occupations. Not just from a “what can I do” perspective, but also a policy perspective, as well. If legislators and executive branches and businesses understand that inequality and neglect and discrimination are occupations in their own right, as well, then perhaps they can be convinced to act, to change. Yesterday, following this article, I drove a bit out of my way to go to a Bank Discount ATM, as a bit of a reward for their being in Rahat. I plan to let them know I did this, to thank them – and to let the other banks know I plan to avoid their services as much as possible. I hope to continue this practice more when I get home – going to Giant over Safeway.

And one by one, we can end some of these occupations. And as these “smaller” (I use this term lightly and in the framework of national contexts – for the people in Wards 7 and 8 and in Rahat, their lack of services are likely much “larger” than conditions in Nablus or Baghdad) occupations end, perhaps their approach to the larger Occupations can change, too.

Sound naïve again? Probably. But, as always, I have to ask whether the current approach is any less so. Is it more naïve to think that we can convince the Israeli and US governments to end their Occupations (and support of each other’s) by simply demanding they end than to try to convince them to change perspective by making them see what other, more local occupations look like? Then hoping that those realizations can make them see what the larger Occupations really mean. And why they are so destructive, not just of the occupied, but also of the occupier. Just saying it won’t end anything, and we can’t end the Occupations through protests alone. We have to demonstrate and prove to them what it really means.

When I first read Tom Friedman’s recent article about his belief in the graduating class of college students and their ability to change things, I scoffed a bit. The new generation seems so shallow, so uninvolved, to so many of us. But, as Friedman says, they are active – just a bit more quietly, a bit more locally. They won’t replicate the 1960s, but then again, the 1960s are over, so maybe that’s okay.

Maybe they understand more than even I have that to end the Occupation, you have to go one occupation at a time.

My Son’s Answer to Palestinian Textbooks

“Papa, can we go back to that playground I already went to? The one with those lot of kids?”

That’s my son’s answer to the question of Palestinian textbooks. The playground he means is one in East Jerusalem, off of Nablus Rd. This is probably one of 6 we have been to so far in Israel. But it’s the only one in a predominantly Palestinian neighborhood. And it’s the only one he wants to go back to. Because, other than at his nursery school class at the Jerusalem Y, it’s the only place so far he’s seen real affection from other kids.

Why? Because it’s the only one where the other kids have reached out to him, been welcoming of him, taken care of him. It’s the only playground where other kids have asked him his name, shared their snacks with him, included him in their fun. Heck, it’s the only playground where he’s ever gone down a big tunnel slide. Ever. He won’t even do that with me or his mother at a playground at home, when his best friends have just gone down. But here, in East Jerusalem, a girl of about 10 named Tamara simply took him by the hand, climbed up the ladders with him (in some cases, she had to lift him to the top of the next landing), put him at the top of the slide, sat next to him and down they went.

Was he crying when he came down? Not at all – he just scanned the crowd to find us to tell us what he had just done. With one of the biggest grins he’s had since we landed halfway across the world from his home and his friends and everything else he knows.

Before I get into my thoughts on the meaning of all of this– what of the other playgrounds he’s been to? The ones in the German Colony, at the Monkey Park, in Sanhedria Park? They’re fine. These locales range from secular communities where the kids and parents look like those he’s used to at home (German Colony) to orthodox, Haredi communities (Sanhedria) where I am the only father around and neither the kids nor the moms look all that much like they do at home (that is, at least in terms of clothing). The playgrounds themselves range from mediocre to excellent in terms of equipment and cleanliness.

They’re fine. No bad stories (other than the bad fall he took in the German Colony – my fault), no run-ins, no over-arching metaphors to be wrung out of the experiences. Just average times at a playground, where no one pays much attention to the fact that he’s there or asks if he wants to join in a game or go down the slide together. Frankly, they’re just like playgrounds at home.

So the only one he has asked to go back to is the one in East Jerusalem. It’s the only playground that his mother and I spent any time talking about afterwards. Because it was idyllic, had the best equipment? Not totally – most of the kids seemed to be there without supervision, the place could have been a bit cleaner. But we knew from the moment we told Eli we had to go home that this was his favorite playground so far.

So what does this have to with the never-ending debate about Palestinian textbooks? We all know the basic contention, and how readily American Jews and American legislators are to cite it as an over-arching concern. (The most recent advocate being Hillary Clinton, probably still trying to run away from her appearance with Suha Arafat,the equivalent of 500 years ago). You can find “articles” and “resources” on the issue at any number of websites:
ADL, the Israel Project, Israel on Campus Coalition, and a group devoted to this issue entirely, Teach Kids Peace. (Although naming an overtly biased group “Teach Kids Peace” is probably worth a post on its own, my favorite of these is, as usual, the Israel on Campus Coalition. Its resource guide for students on the conflict suggests that textbooks are one of a small list of “Proven Pro Israel Sound Bites.” As usual with the ICC, Jewish college students are not asked to do research or learn anything for themselves – they’re only asked to regurgitate prescribed soundbites.)

Before I became a father, I had two traditional answers to the issue. First, does it really matter? That is, even if Bibi Netanyahu or Abe Foxman wrote the textbooks for kids in Gaza or Nablus, the fact is that when those kids would finish learning about the glory of Zionism or Israel in school, they would then still have to walk out into occupation. And see the worst of Zionism and Israel – settlers, soldiers, oppression.

That is, of course, if they can get to school at all. With the Separation Wall or checkpoints or closures or the economic plight of their parents, school may not be open or be an option. So when the real world around you says black, does it matter if your textbook says white?

Second, let’s assume Palestinian textbooks do teach some level of hatred. Are Israeli texts really that much better? Aren’t these kids subjected to a range of materials that teaches them only about Judaism, shows them borders of Israel that also do not respect the other side of the Green Line, about the majesty of military power and serving in the army, that often depicts Palestinians and Arabs in a derogatory manner.

(For what it’s worth, the best actual analysis of the issue I have seen is from Nathan Brown, now at Carnegie, although this was published some years ago.)

But those answers don’t usually carry the day; rather they usually get sent into the same round-and-round of most other controversial and difficult topics in this conflict. Frankly, I’ll admit that whoever decided to make Palestinian textbooks an issue hit upon a stroke of brilliance, so to speak. It has all the ingredients of great propaganda – a sensitive topic (kids), an easily-believed concept (that Palestinians/Muslims would teach hatred of Israel and Jews), and a subject about which 99.99% of the intended audience will have no way – or even interest — to refute the facts. After all, how many American Jews, or even non-Arab, non-Muslim Americans read Arabic or will ever visit a Palestinian school and pick up an actual Palestinian textbook? Even the people who don’t necessarily believe it will have trouble answering the claims – without going to a school in Tulkarem, how can anyone, even me, really refute the charges?

But here’s where my son comes in. Maybe his real-life answer, his feelings will mean more than any academic ones. Maybe if there are more answers like his, things might really change, because people could really start to see the truth – or at least what the truth could be.

Nearly all of the kids on that playground were school age, some as old as pre-teens. And true, they are being educated in Jerusalem, not in Gaza. But the argument should be the same – their society and culture exposes them to the hatred and anti-Israel sentiment that their cousins in Gaza or Hebron learn in school. And so their instinct upon seeing us should be hate, or at least fear.

And maybe they are a bit more used to seeing Jews (I’ll admit that our family is not that hard to pick out of a crowd), to seeing Americans than kids in Rafah. But if you were to believe the textbook hawks, then that shouldn’t matter. If they learn hate in school or at home, then the conclusion they leave you with is that that hatred should translate into real life. That the inclination of those kids should have been to push Eli down sooner than hold his hand. Or, at a minimum, they should have ignored him like the kids at Israeli playgrounds do.

If the mainstream community were 100% right about the impact of Palestinian textbooks, these kids should have shouted nasty things at me and my wife sooner than they ran over to us to ask our names and practice whatever else they knew in English. If they were right, I should have been worried when they asked where we lived, for fear of something bad happening to our place, rather than enamored of the fact that they were curious.

But as I have said, the reality was that the kids showed us, most importantly Eli, love and affection and interest. They wanted to see us again, wanted to know more (and okay, one wanted us to give her money).

So what does this mean? Thankfully, I have learned a thing or two so far from my kids. The main one is that if you want your children — or anyone else’s, for that matter — to act in a certain way, to think a certain way, you have to show that way to them first. Your every move has to exemplify what you want them to be. If you don’t want your child to be a bully on the playground, then you have to make sure to not show them what bullying is. Anywhere, anytime. If you want them to be kind to others, to understand the importance of respecting others, then not only do you have to teach that to them but also actually be kind to them and respect them. If you want them to be peaceful, you have to embody peace. (As much as humanly possible, anyway.)

That is what my son saw, that is what he understood – and I think, I hope, that is what he taught them. Those kids saw us coming to play with them, coming to share in their fun and joy. Not to condemn them, not to find out how much they hated us, not to demand they change. Not to take their fun or their childhood away.

So maybe that’s the answer – if you want to be sure the Palestinian textbooks don’t cause Palestinian kids to hate Israel, Jews, and the West, then go talk to these kids yourself. Play with them, smile with them. Show them humanity, for once, show them what Israel, Jews, and the West are supposed to be. Let them be kids. Teach them a reality that no textbook, positive or negative, could teach them.

My hunch is, no matter what those kids learned in school the day we were at the playground, what they told their parents, siblings, and other friends at night was that we were at the playground, that they took care of my son for a few minutes. And that he loved it.

Sound naïve? Probably. I have no doubt there is plenty of hate-filled teaching going on in the Palestinian Territories. No doubt adults are exploiting children for the purpose of inculcating them with hate-filled ideology. So maybe showing up and playing with them can’t counteract everything. Maybe it is naïve to think that real contact with real kids who really care about them could change their minds.

But it’s no more naïve than thinking they will change if someone writes yet another report condemning them, raises some more money to combat them, puts up another website with them dressed in jihadist garb. Haven’t we learned how naive it is to expect peace from conflict?

So I believe if you want them to change, do what my son did. Hold their hands and go down a slide. You never know what you’ll find at the bottom.


About

You are currently browsing the semitism.net weblog archives for the month June, 2007.

Longer entries are truncated. Click the headline of an entry to read it in its entirety.