The fall-out from the Lebanon War has simply been breathtaking, in the breadth and complexity of issues raised. Over half of the Israeli public looks back, sees the hostages not returned, Hizballah’s reputation growing by leaps and bounds in Lebanon and the Arab world, and says that nothing was gained from the bombing. There are loud calls for the resignation or termination of the Prime Minister, the Defense Minister, the IDF Chief of Staff. There are inquiries into the Chief of Staff’s stock deals as the war was getting underway. A few soldiers sit in jail for their refusal to go to Lebanon, others issue petitions and protest that they were not allowed to fight, most Israelis question what has become of their once-vaunted, seemingly invincible army. Beloved author David Grossman’s son killed, along with 30+ others, in terribly bungled operations in the “three terrible days” before the cease fire. The Finance Ministry reports that billions are needed for reconstruction, that pre-war planning and preparation of the citizenry were disastrous. Children in the north of Israel deal with PTSD, families deal with hundreds of deaths and injuries. Others wonder, louder than ever, what has happened to the Israeli left. Israeli Arabs face, as always, ostracism and Faustian bargains on all sides.
That’s a lot to digest. Many commentators opine that it will take a long time to understand just where Israel is after Lebanon — where it is as a country (including the government and army), as a people. Some, like Ari Shavit, have gone so far as to suggest that a complete, top-to-bottom examination of Israel is necessary:
Thus, the challenge of the final days of the war and of the long day that
will come immediately afterward, is to turn Israel into a sustainable state
again. To that end, all the basic questions must be reopened. To that end, a
thorough housecleaning has to be done not only in the systems of the
government, the army and the establishment but in all the systems of our
life. There must be discussion and debate, clarification and clarity. The
Israeli condition must be defined, and what that condition obliges must be
understood.
Consider this again: “The Israeli condition must be defined, and what that condition obliges must be understood.” What a massive task, an incredible admission, an even more incredible mission. To say that your society, your country needs a complete overhaul and reassessment. Certainly the range of issues at play in Israel lends support to Shavit’s theory. And none of the above even gets at the future of the conflict with the Palestinians, the settlers, the religious-secular divide, but those are, of course, as ever-present as before.
Even if you don’t agree with Shavit’s dire call for a complete overhaul, it’s indisputable that Israeli society is as tumultuous today as it has been in quite a long time. So in such a context, with these complex issues on the table, how do we in the United States know what to say or do about Israel? How do you say you are “pro-Israel” when it’s as unclear as ever what Israel itself is.
Well, it appears the answer is to not think about it, and just say you’re “pro-Israel” anyway. At least that’s what our mainstream organizations are telling our college students in the hot-off-the-presses, 130-page resource guide Focus on Israel: Tools for Education, Advocacy and Action on Campus.

