Archive for November, 2004

The Sorry Path from Theodore Herzl to the Middle East Media Research Institute

The marker of a vital idea is disagreement. The marker of a dying ideology is the suppression of dissent.

In the first section of his seminal work The Jewish State, Theodore Herzl wrote “whoever finds his doubts dispelled should give allegiance to the cause.” Herzl saw the genuine, vitriolic anti-Semitism that emerged throughout Europe in the wake of the Dreyfuss trial and concluded that the Jewish people could never, and should never, fully assimilate into another culture. Out of this emerged the quixotic idea of re-founding a Jewish state. Herzl was a noble soul, a visionary, an indefatigable campaigner. He gained international acceptance of the idea of Zionism by sheer force of persuasion. To the best of my knowledge, he never sued or intimidated anyone for disagreeing with him.

Herzl would turn over in his grave if he knew what his success had wrought. It’s as if Zionism was kidnapped and held hostage by the Stern Gang.

I said earlier that U.S. support has been Israel’s greatest asset in its efforts to hold onto Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement and avoid negotiations with the Palestinians. By the same token, information that might weaken or qualify that support poses a threat - not, I think, to Israel, but to the Likud Party, whose policies we are backing. A network of organizations has now emerged in the U.S. to monitor the media and promote a right-wing Israeli perspective. Engaging in public dialogue is fine - but some of these organizations have resorted to unwarranted accusations of anti-Semitism, lawsuits and other coercive tactics to try to silence criticism of Israel’s actions.

One example is the Middle East Media Research Institute. It was founded by Yigal Carmon, a retired Israeli military intelligence officer. When The Guardian reported on MEMRI a couple of years ago, they found that three of the six staff had also worked for Israeli intelligence. Registered as a U.S. nonprofit, MEMRI’s stated purpose is to provide timely English translations of items in the Arab press and “to inform the debate over U.S. policy in the Middle East”. However, they seem to select almost exclusively articles that are overtly anti-Jewish, support terrorism, and otherwise reflect the most extreme positions on the Arab political spectrum. Sheldon Rampton, the editor of the progressive magazine PR Watch, reviewed their output and concluded that

MEMRI’s depiction of the Arab world is one-sided and dwells almost exclusively on the worst aspects of Arab societies…MEMRI seems narrowly determined to stir up outrage against Arabs, on the assumption that this will lead to more public support for Israel.

Their translations are quickly picked up and disseminated by right-wing outlets such as World Net Daily and Human Events, and sometimes make their way into the mainstream media. This happened when MEMRI released an analysis of the most recent Osama bin Laden tape suggesting that his aim was to undermine Bush’s re-election campaign.

Now, Juan Cole is a history professor at the University of Michigan who runs an excellent blog called Informed Comment. Also fluent in Arabic, he took issue with MEMRI’s analysis. Here’s the link to his comments. After an explication of bin Laden’s use of an archaic form of the word “state”, he offers a brief profile of MEMRI, which included the following:

MEMRI is enormously popular with strong Jewish nationalists in the United States, who often subscribe to it by email, and are being given an unbalanced view of the region as a result. In some instances the translations are not very good, but the main objection is the selectiveness of the material. MEMRI is one of a number of public relations campaigns essentially on behalf of the far rightwing Likud Party in Israel that tries to shape American perceptions of Muslims and the Middle East in a negative direction.

That is not what I would call slander. But it wasn’t long before Dr. Cole received a letter from Colonel Carmon threatening legal action against him and his university unless he retracted his statements. Dr. Cole pointed out in a post last week that such lawsuits have become a standard way for manufacturing industries to harrass environmentalists who threaten their interests. It now appears that such Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation have become a weapon in the public relations war being waged against those who question hard-right Israeli policies.

Dr. Cole is among those who have been targeted by Campus Watch, an outgrowth of the conservative Middle East Forum. Middle East Forum is directed by Daniel Pipes, and staffed by other prolific neoconservatives like Daniel Kramer. Campus Watch maintains an online list of professors who have taken stands that it lables anti-Israel or pro-terrorism. The principal offense committed by the academics on the Campus Watch list seems to be that they disagree with Pipes’ viewpoint on the Middle East. Many of them are Arabists in the tradition of Palestinian scholar Edward Said, and reject what they consider the biased “Orientalist” perspective of Western scholarship on the Arab world (Michael Hirsch offers a good summary of the differing schools of thought in this month’s Washington Monthly).

Said himself was a professor at Columbia University. The Middle East and Asian Languages and Culture department (MEALAC) he helped build has been a stalking horse for Pipes and his adherents because of the openly critical stands some faculty members have taken on Israel. Now a Boston-based group called The David Project has made a documentary film that alleges intimidation and harassment of students by professors in this department. Columbia has responded to the film and the accompanying publicity by launching an investigation. One professor, Joseph Massad, has decided not to teach his course on Palestinian and Israeli politics next semester because of the controversy. But, as reported in Jewish Week last month, many Jewish students have come out in support of Dr. Massad and MEALAC.

…[I]n interviews with four of the seven students who appear in the film, and more than two dozen others mostly Israeli or American Jewish students who attended MEALAC classes over the last five years a much different picture emerges than the one seemingly portrayed on screen. The students most familiar with the MEALAC department, while noting that some professors are highly critical of Israel and its policies, defended the teachers as well within the bounds of academic give-and-take. Most of the complaints on campus appear to be from pro-Israel activist students not in the MEALAC program… “The class was an incredible experience”, said Lia Mayer-Sommer, 24, referring to Massad’s class titled Palestinian and Israeli Politics and Societies. Mayer-Sommer, an Israeli native, added that “it wasn’t fun to be the only Israeli in class, but I never felt intimidated. Passionate, emotional, but not intimidated.” Shaina Greiff agreed. “I studied at MEALAC”, said the 22-year-old Texas native. “I am a Jewish student, and I never felt intimidated or bullied or otherwise.”

The film clearly did not arise from concern over the treatment of Columbia students by professors. Rather, it is another example of right-wing interest groups attempting to silence debate by intimidating critics of Israel. We can expect more of the same. AIPAC and other conservative Jewish groups are backing a new group called The Israel on Campus Coalition, to “organize the Jewish community to work together - and focus on - a pro-active, pro-Israel agenda on campus.” Their first major report - Tenured or Tenuous - The Role of Faculty in Supporting Israel on Campus - recommends targeting faculty who hold “anti-Israel” views. Their advice to students encountering professors who teach “absurd concepts relating to Israel” includes the following:

  • Document everything. Take notes on what a professor says and, if possible, tape lectures.
  • Bring your concerns to the professor. It is possible that making a professor aware of
    inaccuracies or insensitivities may be enough to bring about change.
  • If the professor does not respond, it may be desirable to discuss concerns with the
    department chair and/or school dean.
  • Contact the Israel on Campus Coalition Faculty Task Force for guidance
    (info@israeloncampuscoalition.org).
  • Inform the director of Hillel and/or other Jewish agency professionals and let them
    pursue the matter through the appropriate university channels.
  • Publicize the problem. No university wants bad publicity and embarrassment in the
    press, and articles criticizing the behavior of a university can sometimes either
    encourage the university to take action on its own or provoke members of the
    community and alumni to pressure the administration to address the issue.

The anti-Jewish sentiment that Herzl encountered was just that: hatred and denigration of the Jews, for being Jews. The stubborn persistence of this racism in Europe provided a rational basis for Zionism, and it was Herzl’s eminently rational case that garnered so many converts to his idea. But Zionism itself is neither a race, nor a religion. It is subject to criticism like any other political philosophy. Neither opposition to Zionism, nor opposition to Israel or its policies, are in themselves anti-Jewish. There is nothing wrong with airing such challenges on campuses and in the media. If Zionism is still a reasonable idea - which I believe it is- then it should be easy to defend. It would be much easier, of course, if Israel would commit itself to existing within internationally recognized boundaries, pursue justice for the Palestinians, and act as a constructive rather than a divisive force in the Middle East.

In my opinion, the groups I have cited above are not so much pro-Israel as pro-Likud. I am not saying they are directly affiliated with that party, but their work supports its goals. Likud has made a mess of Zionism. Israel is in terrible shape economically. The occupation has placed tremendous strain on the youth who serve in the military, and on the Israeli population as a whole. Israel has largely forfeited the international respect it earned in its first three decades. Our treatment of the Palestinians betrays the humanistic vision of Israel’s founders. A great deal of this results from the vision of a Greater Israel, and the project of expanding settlements, that Israel’s fanatical right wing has pursued.

This is not the picture that Likud wants Americans to take away when they look at Israel. God forbid that American Jews should see what they’re up to, and start to exert pressure for change. So the picture we get instead is of a Bastion of Democracy, surrounded by an ever-menacing army of hostile Arabs bent on destroying the Jews and willing to use any means, especially terrorism, to accomplish their ends. Groups like those I’ve described above, which disseminate inflammatory, one-sided information and bully opponents, play a key role in maintaining this image. It’s as if the Israeli right is so morally and intellectualy bankrupt that they fear any honest critique, like a stone thrown at a fragile edifice, could cause it to crumble.

Israel, really, is stronger than that. But we won’t find this strength until we open our ears to our critics and our eyes to the reality of what we are doing.

The Political Voice of Palestinians Raised Under the Occupation

For most of us, the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza is an abstract. Those of us sympathetic to the Palestinian cause may commiserate, protest, visit, etc. but ultimately we return to lives where we have rights and freedom. However, there is now a generation of Palestinians for whom the opposite is true. Freedom is something they’ve heard about. They’ve lived their entire lives under a military occupation. To grow up at gunpoint, to navigate a landscape of barbed wire and concrete barricades, to be intimidated constantly by soldiers, to know death well, and never justice - these things must create a consciousness, an identity, that is unique.

The question of the moment is: who is going to speak for the generation of Palestinians raised in the occupied territories. Arafat, Abbas, and the current leadership of the PLO all migrated back to the territories after the signing of the Olso Accord in 1993. Prior to that, they had been living in relative comfort as expatriate rebels in Tunisia.

Marwan Barghouti has emerged as a popular leader representing this younger generation within the dominant Fatah party, despite the fact that he is currently imprisoned in Israel for his role in leading the Intifada. Last week, he announced as a candidate for Yassir Arafat’s post of President of the Palestinian Authority. However, he could only run as the Fatah candidate if nominated by the party’s Central Committee. The Committee consists of a small number of “old guard” leaders. Not suprisingly, they nominated Abbas - which was supposed to have ended Barghouti’s candidacy.

On Thursday, Barghouti made a suprise announcement that he would run an independent campaign for President. This threw everybody into a tizzy until he called it off late Thursday night. The best report on this, I thought, was on National Public Radio. The trade-off, it appears, was that Fatah will hold new elections for its ruling Revolutionary Council, for the first time in fifteen years. This will certainly give the younger generation greater power in the organization.

What will this mean for Palestinian policies? Firstly, the younger generation has pressed for more efficient government and an end to patronage and corruption in the Palestinian Authority. Secondly, those raised on armed struggle against an oppressive regime are not likely to lay down their arms and accept whatever compromise suits Israel’s purposes. As Barghouti put it, he stands for resistance and negotiation; Abbas for negotiation without resistance. A third possible consequence, if Barghouti and his constituents are successful, is that a reinvigorated Fatah will regain its credibility among disaffected Palestinians who have gravitated toward Hamas in the past decade.

I say, so far, so good. But Israel and the U.S. may be disappointed if we expect Abbas to lead the Palestinians happily down a path of passive acceptance of whatever sort of “homeland” Israel has in mind for them. It is worth remembering that we created the terrible conditions under which a million or so Palestinians have lived for nearly four decades. They have not struggled for so long to be a pliant element of someone else’s political strategy. Now is the time for us to take Palestinian demands seriously, and to deal with them fairly. It looks to me like they will get their house quickly in order in this much heralded post-Arafat era. The “opportunity” will then be ours to seize or lose.

Thank You

I just wanted to say how grateful I am to everyone who helped me to get this site started, and especially, today, to the other bloggers who have been so supportive: Dave Nadig, Laura Rozen, Richard Silverstein, Lawrence of Cyberia, Dennis Fox, Tex, Aron Trauring, and the folks at Rafah Pundits, among others. I really feel as if I have entered an online community of interesting, smart people with progressive views. I’ve learned an awful lot about Israel-Palestine from reading your blogs.

Thanks as well to all the people who do not have their own blogs, but have been kind enough to spend a little time reading mine and commenting.

Thank you to my wife, who has given me the hours I’ve spent on this.

Finally, thanks to my mom. Yup, my mom. She likes to remind me that when I was about seven, I boycotted Thanksgiving because I found out how we had betrayed the Native Americans. “That wasn’t even us!” she declared at the time. Now, she says, when it comes to the Palestinians, it is us. My mom has loved Israel since she was a teenager. She speaks fluent Hebrew. She was a founding member of her synagogue. She’s really smart. The fact that she has come to this conclusion about Israel and the Palestinians means a lot. I would not have had the confidence to do this without her encouragement.

The Caterpillar Protest

I’m going to try to report more on non-militant forms of protest against the occupation - things going on both in the occupied territories, and internationally. This will include demonstrations and civil disobedience, as well as boycotts, divestment, and other forms of economic pressure. One of these is the Caterpillar shareholder protest.

Israel is a big market for Caterpillar, which sells the bulldozers that Israel uses to demolish Palestinian homes and neighborhoods. B’Tselem, the Israeli human rights group, and Human Rights Watch, released reports recently on the home demolitions. Both conclude that the demolition program far exceeds anything necessary for Israel’s security, and violates international law. In Rafah during the period from May 18 to 24 of this year, according to Human Rights Watch,

Armored Caterpillar D9 bulldozers plowed through houses and shops, indiscriminately ripped up roads, destroyed water and sewage systems, and turned agricultural fields into barren patches of earth. Fifty-nine Palestinians were reportedly killed in Rafah during a series of incursions from May 12-24, including eleven people under age eighteen and eighteen armed men. In total, these incursions left 254 houses destroyed and nearly 3,800 people homeless; another forty-four houses were razed in the Rafah area during the same month in smaller operations…

Based on interviews with the IDF, two Palestinian armed groups, international aid agencies and residents of Rafah, as well as physical examination of the town, Human Rights Watch found little evidence of a sustained battle or resistance in Rafah during the incursions into Tel al-Sultan and Brazil. Instead, extensive destruction of infrastructure and property occurred mostly in areas already under direct Israeli control.

Now Jewish Voice for Peace, a Bay Area Jewish organization, has joined with Human Rights Watch and other groups to file a shareholder motion asking Caterpillar to stop sales to Israel. The resolution is expected to be supported by the Presbyterian Church, which holds 3 million dollars in Caterpillar stock; and the Mennonite and Anglican churches may take a stand as well. The details are reported by Haaretz and Interpress.

If even a few more Jewish groups spoke out in favor of this protest, it would be a very powerful statement - to Caterpillar and to Israel - against human rights abuses in the occupied territories. If you are really brave, bring this up in your congregation. Try to get your synagogue to take a stand. If nothing else, it will generate discussion. You can download the reports on home demolitions here, and distribute them at Shul:

Palestinian Non-Violence and the Israeli Response

Yassir Arafat’s death brought a spate of columns, editorials and online posts lamenting his “legacy of violence”. Why, they ask, did he not lead his people down the path of nonviolent civil resistance, like Mahatma Ghandi, Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King? What chutzpa! We march our army into places where Palestinians have been living for generations, take their land, deprive them of rights - and then ask, “why don’t they resist us nonviolently?”. What right do we have to ask such a question?

From a military standpoint, terrorism has probably served the Palestinians better than critics want to acknowledge. For a time, it posed enough of a security threat to induce Israel to negotiate. But it has isolated them diplomatically. Among other things, suicide bombings strengthened Israel’s case in the U.S. The image of Israel that emerged was of a nation defending itself from random violence. And in the end, it is U.S. support that has given Israel its greatest strategic advantage.

Professor Mark Levine, writing in Tikkun magazine, makes a pretty stong case that Israel has deliberately suppressed non-violent protest in the occupied territories, in effect forcing angry Palestinians into the arms of militant groups.

One of the first exponents of Palestinian non-violence, the Palestinian-American doctor Mubarak Awad, founded the Palestinian Centre for the Study of Nonviolence in 1985. His innovative ideas and training of Palestinians in the tactics of non-violent resistance to the occupation was considered dangerous enough by Israel that it expelled him from the land of his birth in 1988. During the same period, the government supported the rise to power of militant religious groups such as Hamas as a counterweight to the PLO (which that year recognized Israel’s right to exist).

Since the outbreak of the al-Aksa intifada in September 2000 most Palestinians I know–and increasingly, their comrades in the Israeli peace movement–have exerted incredible energy trying to build grass roots non violent movements that could somehow check the inexorable advance of the occupation and the slow death of the national dream of an independent state. The response by the Israeli military has often been brutal. Not just Palestinian activists, but foreign peace activists and even Israelis are routinely beaten, arrested, deported, or even killed by the IDF, with little fear that the Government of Israel would pay a political price for crushing non-violent resistance with violent means.

Indeed, the International Solidarity Movement has been one of the most effective nonviolent groups operating in the occupied territories. Their stated goals are:

  1. to dramatize the terrible conditions under which Palestinians live because of the Occupation, and to protect them from physical violence from Israeli soldiers and settlers. We work under the leadership of Palestinian peace activists, supporting them in their creative resistance to the Occupation, and lending support to Israeli and other peace activist groups.
  2. to pressure International news media to focus on the illegality and brutality of the Occupation, and to so change public opinion that it demands that Israel respect international law, and that America stops funding Israel with billions of dollars each year.
  3. to recruit volunteers from other nations to undertake non-violent resistance to the Occupation.
  4. to establish divestment campaigns in the US and Europe to put economic pressure on Israel the same way the international community put pressure South Africa during the apartheid regimes.

They carry no weapons and do not in any way facilitate militant activities. All they do is witness, and communicate to the outside world, human rights abuses by Israel and the conditions of the occupation. Israel has, in fact, detained, deported, bulldozed, and shot ISM volunteers. They have also been physically assaulted by settlers, with IDF forces watching and refusing to intervene. And the Israeli right has mounted a particularly vigorous international propaganda campaign seeking to discredit the organization (the link is only one of many examples - do a Google search on International Solidarity Movement to see for yourself).

The American Jewish community needs to be more aware of such non-violent efforts to assert Palestinian rights. Those of us who want justice for the Palestinians should be supportive of organizations in the occupied territories involved in peaceful protest and civil disobedience. In the American Civil Rights Movement, and in the South African anti-Apartheid Movement, one critical factor for success was the fact that many whites ultimately recognized the justice of the cause and joined with blacks in their protests. Perhaps there is a similar role for Jews in the Palestinian struggle.

From Powell: No Committment on Palestinian Issues

The U.S. and Israel are now very invested in allowing Palestinian elections, on the assumption that they will elect “moderates” who will take steps to suppress militant groups and end attacks on Israel; but, beyond this, there is no evidence that they plan to recognize Palestinian claims in the interest of a just settlement to the conflict. The Guardian reports that new PLO President Mahmoud Abbas and PA Prime Minster Ahmed Qureia met with Powell and pressed him on several issues of importance to Palestinians.

  1. They presented data on the growth of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and asked for an end to settlement building.
  2. They requested an end to assassinations of Palestinian political leaders by Israel.
  3. They gave Powell a folder of statistics on the impact of the Security Fence on Palestinian farms and villages.
  4. They asked that the U.S. recommit to the Road Map, including the stated timetable, which calls for a Palestinian state by 2005.

On all points, Powell was noncommittal.

The Bush Agenda and Jewish Activism

Let’s not fool ourselves. The Religious Right won the election. This is bad for the Jews, bad for all minorities, bad for civil rights, bad - in my opinion - for the U.S. And we cannot afford to sit around for the next four years waiting for another chance. Here’s the sort of thing I’m talking about.

In Friday’s Forward, EJ Kessler reported:

The movement to prevent Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, the nation’s senior Republican Jewish lawmaker, from assuming the chairmanship of the Senate Judiciary Committee is highlighting the ascendance of evangelicals in the Republican Party and the loss of power of moderate Northeasterners.

Since Specter, a moderate pro-choice lawmaker, made post-election comments noting that anti-abortion judicial nominees would have trouble getting approved by the Senate, evangelicals and other conservatives have inundated Senate offices with mail and phone calls, even holding a Capitol Hill “pray-in” in an attempt to derail Specter’s chairmanship. Specter, who is entitled to the chairmanship under Senate Republican seniority rules, since has backpedaled furiously, lobbying his colleagues to save his post. While some senators, including outgoing Judiciary chairman Orrin Hatch, have indicated that Specter, recently elected to a fifth term, is likely to prevail in the end, tensions persist as the matter awaits a final vote in January.

As a chastened Specter struggled to make his case to his colleagues this week, the Senate’s other Jewish Republican, Norm Coleman, who headed President Bush’s re-election campaign in Minnesota, failed in a bid to win the chairmanship of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, losing out to a more conservative colleague, Senator Elizabeth Dole of North Carolina.

As it turned out, Specter, having jumped through the requisite hoops, received the backing of all the Committee Republicans. He is expected to be confirmed in January. But it’s hard to believe, after this, that he’ll be able to block the hard-right, strict-constructionist judges Bush will appoint - unless he has the backing of an equally strong grassroots movement opposed to stacking the court.

And the fact that Specter is Jewish? I think it would be a long stretch to say that the campaign against him was anti-Semitic. But it does bring into focus the chasm between the values of social and religious tolerance that Specter embraces, and the agenda of the Religious Right.

The composition of the Court is of great importance to Jews. We have religious practices and beliefs that differ from those of Christians. As a minority religion, we depend particularly on the courts to protect our rights. We have an inherent interest in issues like freedom of expression and action, and the religious neutrality of public institutions. We respect other beliefs very sincerely, but we do not want them forced on us.

So, as the Moral Majority marches forward in lockstep, where is our powerful Washington lobby? Um… Well, here’s Michael Freund, former Netanyahu aid and now a conservative columnist, writing Wednesday in the Jerusalem Post:

In terms of flexing political muscle and shaping the outcome of the vote, no group proved more successful than America’s evangelical Christians. They flocked to the polls, boosting the incumbent and helping to set the country’s political agenda for the next four years.

While some American Jews view this development with mounting concern, my reaction is far more sanguine, even upbeat: Israel should be thanking God for the rise of the Christian Right. They are the best hope for ensuring long-term US diplomatic support for the Jewish state in an increasingly hostile world.

And from a July report in the Christian Science Monitor,

“Christian Zionist groups play an increasingly important role,” says Morton Klein, head of the Zionist Organization of America and a leader of the Jewish lobby, AIPAC. “In many districts where there are very few Jews, the members of the House and Senate are Israel’s supporters in part because of the strong Christian Zionist lobby on Capitol Hill.”

Other observers say the Bush administration’s tilt toward Israel in the Israeli- Palestinian dispute results from a coalition of neoconservatives, the Jewish lobby, and Christian Zionists - with the latter providing the grass-roots political punch as a prime Bush constituency.

The Religious Right supports Israel for rather different reasons than we do. According to the same Monitor article:

For Christian Zionists, the modern state of Israel is the fulfillment of God’s covenant with Abraham and the center of His action from now to the Second Coming of Christ and final battle of Armageddon, when the Antichrist will be defeated. But before this can occur, they say, biblical prophecy foretells the return of Jews from other countries; Israel’s possession of all the land between the Euphrates and Nile rivers; and the rebuilding of the Jewish temple where a Muslim site, Dome of the Rock, now stands.

What on earth is the Jewish leadership doing embracing these people? Their goals may be in synch with those of the far right wing of the Likud party - but they are not, really, good for Israel; and, believe me, they do not have Jewish interests at heart.

Which brings me to my main point, which is that AIPAC and the major Jewish organizations that have clout in Washington are way out of step with Jewish America. Most of us voted for Kerry. A fair number of us - I really believe - want security for Israel, yes, but also want justice for the Palestinians; and the number would be greater if American Jews had a better idea of what was really going on in the occupied territories. Most of us care about civil rights, social welfare and social justice - ideals that are deeply threatened by the Bush administration. Most of us feel threatened by the sudden dominance of the religious right.

So what are we going to do about it? I would like to open up a discussion - on this site, and anywhere else we can have it - on strategies for grassroots activism in the Jewish community. Could American Jews have a moderating influence on U.S. Israel policy? Could we actually, in keeping with our ethical tradition, speak on behalf of Palestinian rights? Could we find common cause with progressive Muslims and Christians in the U.S.? And can Jewish organizations join with other U.S. groups in the fight for social and economic justice? How can we influence our synagogues and our organizations toward these ends?

I will keep writing on these issues, and hope to get some thoughts and comments from readers.


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